Xuquuqda insaanka iyo Islaamka

Cududadda wayn iyo horumarka aduunyo ee ay haystaan wadamada magac ahaan la isugu urursho reer galbeed (western countries), waxaay keentay in dad badan oo ku noo dunida kale ay si dadban ama toos ah u dabo galaan ama uga dhigtaan minqiyaaska nolosho oo dhan dadka reer galbeedka ah. Marin habowga caynkaas ahi wuxuu si gaar ah ula degay horumarkii ay gaadhi lahaayeen dawladaha Afrikaanka ah. Aragtida caan baxday ee loo yaqaan casiriyeenta (modernity) waxay tilmaantaa in si dal u horumaro ay tahay inuu taako taako ugu daydo reer galbeedka. Ku dayashadaasi maaha oo keliya midka dhaqaale ama cilmi ee sidoo kale waa qaadashada dhaqanka reer galbeedka; sida cuntada, dhar xidhashada, heesaha la dhegaysto iwm.

Doodaha diidan aragtidan oo iyaga laftoodu kala jaad ah dartood ujeedaydu maaha inaan qoraalkan gaaban ku gorfeeyo aragtiyahaas cilmiyeed  ee salka balaadhan. Ku dayashada reer galbeedku maaha dhamaanteed mid qofku si toos ah uga war hayo inta badan. Dad baa si dadban uga daba dhacay reer galbeedka hadana aan is ogayn. Ceebi kuma jirto waana wax lagu talin karo in horumarka dhaqaale iyo aqooneed laga faa’iidaysto sida reer galbeedkuba uga fa’iidaysto aqoonta umadaha kale.

Ceebtu waxay tahay in qofku ku indho beelo reer galbeedka oo qaaysta noloshiisu noqoto reer galbeed. Waxa la yidhi nin indho la’ ayaa hal maalin wax arkay. Maalintaas waxa uu arkay wuxuu ahaa bakayle. Wax kasta oo la sifeeyo wuxuu waydiiiyaa inta uu ka leeg yahay bakayle.

Xuquuqal insaanka oo ah mawduuca aan u dan leeyahay ma wax reer galbeedka u gaar ah baa? Jawaabta su’aashani waxaynu si dhow u fahmi karnaa hadii aynu eegno caksigeeda oo ah maqnaanshaha xuquuqal insaanka. Hadaad is waydiiso in qofka banii adamka ahi aanu lahayn wax xaq ah ma wax wanaagsan baa? Qofka laga hadlayaa waa adiga; akhristaha qoraalkan. Qof ma tahay oo xaq ma leedahay aanu lahayn dhagaxa, gaadhiga, daayeerka, waraabaha, idaha iyo geela. Haa. Waan leeyahay waayo qof ayaan ahay, ayay tahay jawaabta laga filan karo qofka caadiga ah.

Inkasta oo cadaymo aad u badan loo hayo in ilaalinta xuquuqal insaaku aanu ahayn wax ay iska leeyihiin reer galbeedku, hadana dad baa u qaatay in ereyada xuquuqal insaan ay ba yihiin sheeko reer galbeed. Dadkaasi waxa laga yabaa inay necbaansho u qabaan reer galbeedka. Balse waxaanay dhaadin inay yihiin dad ku dayanaya reer galbeedka oo taako taako u daba socda. Waayo? Maxay ku keeneen inay qiyaasta lagu eego xuquuqal insaanka ka dhigtaan reer galbeedka?

Waa jecel yihiin reer galbeedku inay ka dhaadhiciyaan dadka kale in ilaalinta xuquuqal insaanku tahay waxay iyagu hindiseen oo ay tahay in laga barto. Xaqiiqdu se sidaas way ka duwan tahay. Waxa beeninaya taas adoonsigii dadka madow, gumaysigii iyo sida loola dhaqmo dadka lagu hayo Guantanamo Bay.  

Diinta Islaamu waxay u soo degtay inay dadku ilaaliyaan xuquuqdooda. Waxay reebtay wax kasta oo waxyeelo u gaysta qofka sharaftiisa iyo hantidiisa. Xuquuqda aadanuhuna waxay ka dhalataa labadaas. Ilaahay Quraankiisa wuxuu ku sheegay inuu dadka karaameeyey. Dheeraad ayuu banii aadamka siiyay aanay haysan noolaha intiisa kale.

Wuxuu dadkiisa faray caddaalad iyo inaanay isku xadgudbin. Markii Nebi Maxamed waxyigu ku soo degay dunida Carbeed waxay ahayd meel sida loo kala xoog wayn yahay loo kala xaq badan yahay. Nebigu (SCW) wuxuu ku baaqay sinaansho iyo inaan xoog lagu kala sarayn. Wuxuu dadka ugu yeedhay inay is nabad geliyaan oo aanay ku tuman kuwa taagta yar yar.

Aragtida dheer ee Diinta Islaamku bartay umadda waxa ka faa’iidaystay dadyow aan ba Muslim ahayn. Waxaa se lagu kari la’ yahay kuwii Muslimiinta ahaa.

Diinta Islaamku waxay u taagan tahay xuquuqal insaanka. Hadii aad aaminsan tahay in ay iska soo horjeedaan xuquuqal insaanka iyo diintu, xaqiiqdu waxay tahay inaad qalad fahamtay Islaamka. Ha u qaadan Islaamku inuu yahay mid dadka amra isku xoog sheegashada iyo is laynta. Xaasha. Diintu waxay dadka fartaa is nabad gelinta, daryeelka kuwa baahan, gacan qabashada kuwa taagta daran, sinaanta iyo caddaaladda. Xuquuqal insaankuna waa intaas.

Guleid Ahmed Jama 

CAQABADAHA DHAQAALAHA SOMALILAND by Jama Ahmed Jama

Image: Google

HORDHAC

Jamhuuriyada Somaliland waa midka mida dalalka kuyaal Geeska Afrika  iyo gacanka Cadmeed oo ah goob ka mida goobaha ugu straatejisan ganacsiga caalamka halkaas oo marin u ah inta badan gaadiidka bada iyo cirkaba ee  isaga kala goosha bariga iyo galbeedka aduunka  kuwaasoo sida shixmadaha ganacsi. Marka laga yimaado goobta wanaagsan ee uu ku yaalo dalku waxa kale oo uu hodonku yahay  khayraad farobadam oo ay ka mid yihiin Xoolaha, Macdanta, Kaluunka, Beeyada iyo beeraha.

 Wax soo saarka dhaqaale ee Somaliland (GDP) waxa lagu qiyaasaa $1.5 billion, 30% Dhaqaalaha somaliland wuxu ka soo galaa xoolaha halka 20% ay ka soo galaan Tukaamda jumlada iyo tafaariiqda 8%  beeraha, 6% handida maguurtada ah. Dadka reer Somaliland waxa lagu qiyaasaa 3.5million, halka Shaqo la aanta Somaliland lagu qiyaasay inay shaqo la a yihiin Raga  28%  Dumarka 17% ( 15 to 24Jir . Hargeisa Borama Burao) (New World Bank GDP and Poverty Estimates for Somaliland, 2014)

Taariikhda Dhaqaalaha Somaliland 1991-2000

Kadib dagaalkii qadhaadhaa ee xukunka lagaga tuuray xukuumadii milateriga ahayd ee uu hogaaminayey Madaxweyne Maxamed Siyaad Barre, waxaa burbur lixaadlihi soo gaadhay dhaqaalaha Somaliland oo gebi ahaanba laga soo bilaabay xaga hoose. Dagaalka ka sokow dawladda Siyaad Barre oo ahayd shuuciyad waxay baabiisay lahaanshihii gaarka ahaa taas oo sababtay faqri wayn markii dawladdu ka baxday meesha.

Mudo kadiba waxaa si fiican u hirgalay ganacsi xoogan oo xaga dhoofinta xoolaha ah. oo loo dhoofinyo xoolo tiro badan dalalka Carbeed. Ganacsigaa oo ay si fiican ugu diirsadeen dadkii dagaalada kasoo doogay  una  noqday il soo kabasho ayna shaqooyin iyo dakhli  farobadan ka heleen dad faro badan si toos ah iyo si dadbanba .

Dhamaadkii sagaashanaadkii waxay ahayd markii xoolihii ugu tirada badnaa laga dhoofiyey dekeda Berbera tan iyo intii Somaliland gooni isu taageeda la soo noqotay

Sanadkii 1997 waxaa laga dhoofiyey dekeda Berbera xoolihii ugu badnaa ee sanadkaa aduunka laga dhoofiyo hal deked 2.8 Million (Neef)  ayna kasoo xerootay hanti lagu qiyaasay $84.4 million,  xoolahaa oo kala yimi  Togdheer Burco Yiroowe  20-25%  Sool iyo Sanaag 15-20% deegaanka Somalida ee Ethiopia 45-50% halka qayb kalena ay ka timi Badhtamaha iyo Koonfurta Somalia 10-15 (Holleman, 2002)

Marka laga yimaado shaqada iyo dakhligu kasoo galayey dhoofinta xoolaha wakhtigaa wax sidoo kale dakhli wanaagsani uga soo xaroon jirey dawlada Somaliland tiirka labaad ee dhaqaalaha Somaliland oo ah lacagta ay ka soo xawilaan dadka reer Somaliland ee ku nool dalka dibadiisa, kaas oo ay lacag badani kasoo gasho dalka.

Taariikhda Dhaqaalaha Somaliland 2000 iyo wixii ka danbeeyey

Kadib markii dalka Sucuudigu ku soo rogay cunaqabatayn  xoolaha Somaliland September dhexdeedii 2000 wax  si weyn looga dareemay guud ahaan dhaqaalaha Somalilad gaar ahaan dadkii sida tooska iyo sida dadbanba dakhligu uga soo geli jirey iibinta iyo dhoofinta xoolaha, kuwaaso oo isugu jirey dadkii xoolo dhaqatada ahaa kuwii ganacsatada xoolaha iyo kuwii u dhaxeeyey ba.

Isbedelkan dhaqaale oo ahaa mid weyn maadaama oo Somaliland waxa keliya ee ay ku tiirsanayd ay ahayd dhoofinta xoolaha  waxu  sababtay:

1.      Dad badani inay ku shaqo waayeen.

2.       Qaar badan oo xoolo dhaqato ahaa magaalada soo galaan.

3.      Shilinka Somaliland uu hoos u dhac ku yimi.

4.       Dakhligii kasoo geli  jirey Dawlada dekedana oo yaraaday.

5.      Ka ganacsiga dhuxusha oo badatay.

Wakhtigaa wixii ka danbeeyey waxaa kaalin lexaad leh ka qaatay nolosha iyo dhaqaalaha Somalilandba lacagta ay soo diraan dadka ku noolaa dalka dibadiisa taas oo u bedeshay dooorkii xoolaha, lagagana badbaaday dhibaato dhaqaale oo weyn oo ku habsan lahayd dadkii tamarta daraa ee dagaalada kasoo doogey.

Mudadaa wixii ka danbeeyey ganacsiga Somaliland  oo u badan cuntooyinka, qalabka dhismaha, dharka wwm dhamaantoodba laga soo dhoofiyo dalka dibadiisa hadba marka ka danbaysa wuu  sii horu marayey. Iyadoo ay soo kordheen shirkado isgaadhsiineed, kuwo dhisme iyo kuwo kale oo badan.

Hadaba waxaa marwalba biyo kama dhibcaan ah inay Dalka ka jirto  shaqo la’aan baahsan, taasoo laga dareemayo meel kastoo ka mida geyiga Somaliland ,da ayartii jamacadaha kasoo baxayna ay bilaa camal yihiin maqaaxiyaha fadhiyaan qaarkoodna kaba googoosteen dalka si ay u raadsadaan nolol dhaanta tan ay ku nool yihiin maanta oo ay uga dhex muuqan weydey inay ku gaadhi karaan mustaqbalkay higsanayeen. 

Caqabadaha Dhaqaalaha Somaliland

1.      Saylad La aanta Khayraadka  kala duwan ee Dalaka sida xoolaha, kaluunka, beeyada iyo kuwa kale ee ceedhinba

A.    Xoolaha

Midka mida caqabadaha ugu waaweyn ee dhaqaalaha Somaliland haystaa  waa saylad la aanta xoolaha  oo ah khayraadka ugu badan ee dalka wakhtigan la joogo Somaliland. Tan iyo markii Sucuudigu mamnuucay xoolaha Somaliland waxa dalka soo wajahday dhaqaale xumo weyn taasoo keentay shaqo la aan iyo in ay joogsato lacag adag oo dalka kasoo geli jirtey dhoofinta xoolaha taasoo dib loogu maal gelin jirey dalka islamarkaana dad badanina shaqo iyo dakhli  ka heli jireen.

B.     Kaluunka

Sidoo kale kaluunka oo ah mid ka mida cuntooyinka caalamka loogu isticmaalka badan yahay oo dalka Somaliland hodon ku yahay ayaa nasiib daro aanay jirin hal wadan oo caalamka ama Africa ah oo loo iib geeyo. Iyada oo dalka Ethiopia oo shacabkiisu gaadhayo sagaashan milyan aanay lahayn bad. Sidaasdarteed na uu noqon karo saylad wayn oo loo iib geeyo kallunka ay sida wayn ugu baahan yihiin.

C.    Beeyada

Beeyadu waa midka mida khayraadka qaaliga ah ee uu hodonku yahay dalku hadii suuq loo helona dakhli wanaagsan iyo shaqooyiba ka soo gelilahaayeen dala

2.      La aanta Bangiyada Ganacsiga

Bangiyada ganacsigu waa laf dhabarta  abuurida iyo maal gelinta ganacsiyo cusub oo  hirgala. Maqnaanshaha bangiyo ganacsi oo dhamaystirani waxay dib u dhac weyn ku noqotay abuurista ganacsiyo waaweyn iyo yaryarba isugu jira oo dalka laga hirgelinlahaa oo s haqooyin abuuri lahaa dhaqaalaha dalkana kor usoo qaadi lahaa.

3.       Jilicsanaanta kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha

Kaabayaasha dhaqaalahu sida wadooyinka, dekedaha , korontada  iwm waxay lagama maarmaan u yihiin hirgelinta iyo ka shaqaysiinta ganacsiga. Ssida aynu wada ogsoonahay caqabad weyn ayaa ka jirta dhamaan kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha Somaliland taasoo dib u dhac ku keetay maal gashiga gudaha iyo ka debedaba .

GEBOGEBO

Si looga baxo dhaaqaale xumaanta iyo fakhriga Somaliland waxa loo baahan yahay in si degdeg ah wax looga qabto qodobadaa aan kor kusoo xusay iyadoo la iskaa shanayo dawlad iyo shacaba.

TALO SOO JEEDIN:

1.      In dawladu dedaalkeeda arimaha debeda oo dhan isugu geyso sidii ay khayraadka dalka ugu helilahayd saylado loo iibgeeyo.

2.      In dawladu buuxiso doorka bangiyada ganacsiyad ayna miisaaniyad sanad walba ugu darto qayb lagu maal gelinayo ganacsiyo cusub oo dalka  ka hirgala  iyada oo amaahinaysa lacagta dadka fekredaha ganacsiga ee wanaagsan haya, iyo inay ku sii kabaan ganacsiyadii hore u jirey.

3.      In dawladu sii dardar geliso hawlaha ayka wado horumarinta kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha sida wadada Ceergaabo,  koronto jabana ay u diyaariso si wershadahu u isticmaalaan .

4.      Inay dawladu tayayeeso xoolaha, kor uqaado caafimaadkooda sidoo kalena ka haqab tirto goobaha biyaha iyo baadka ayka heli lahaayeen.

Jama Ahmed Jama

jdafac12@gmail.com

Dhaqaale-yahan, Hargeisa Somaliland

Refrence

Holleman, C. F. (2002). The Socio-economic Implications of the Livestock Ban in Somaliland. Nairobi .

New World Bank GDP and Poverty Estimates for Somaliland. (2014, Janurry 29). p. 1.

Saaxiibadaydii xabsiga

Sawirka: Google images

Waayaha nolosha iyo geedigeedu maalinba meel buu kugu tuuraa. Mar ba dad baad la rafiiq tahay oo aad wax wadaagtaan. Isku dhowaanshaha iyo saaxiibtinamada waqtigu keeno ee aan kala doorashada lahaynina way ka wayn tahay kuwa kale oo dhan.  

Ma ilaawo, maankayga na kama bixin asxaabtii xabsiga. Sagaal iyo toban maalmood oo aan xidhaa, todoba iyo toban ka mid ah waxaan la xidhnaa asxaab kala duwan oo kala da’ ah. Aniga marka la iga reebo way xukunaayeen. Asxaabta aan ka hadlayaa maaha kuwii ku jiray xabsiga oo dhane waa sagaal qof oo igula jiray qolkii yaraa ee aan ku qaatay saacado badan. Waxbaan wada cunnay, sheekaan wadaagnay, laandhuu ama shax baanu wada cayaarnay, kaftan iyo haasaawe ayaanu is waydaarsanay. Waa isku dhowaansho cajiib ah waayo waa hal qol oo dhawr mitir isku jira meesha aan ku wada jirnay 22 saacadood maalin walba. Laba saacadood oo qoraxda loo baxo markaaad ka reebto.

Ma ilaawo odaygii hadalka wanaagsanaaa. Hal hays waxa u ahayd oo uu mar walba odhan jiray diintaa macaan, Nebigaa nuur leh. Dadkii xabsigu waxay naanays uga dhigeen Nebigaa nuur leh. Nin cibaado badan buu ahaa. Ma ilaawo ninkii maxaabiista qaybta aan ku jirnay (block C) madaxda u ahaa; nin gadh wayn oo qosol badan, sheeko badan oo kaftan badan. Ma cadhoodo dacaayadda dadka na ma joojiyo. Waa xariif oo si fiican buu xabsiga uga war hayaa. Shan Sanadood baa lagu xukumay oo inteeda badan wuu qaatay. Mase aha markii u horsay ee uu soo galo xabsiga. Waxa yaab ahayd sida uu u yiqiin Quraanka. Korkuu ka hayay in badan oo ka mid ah. Tafsiirkana wuu yiqiin. Waxaan xusuustaa habeen uu dusha nooga wada tafsiiray Suuratal Yuusuf. Wuxuu aad ugu tuun tuunsaday asxaabul sijni (ileyn anagaa ahayne).

Ma ilaawo ninkii madaadalada. Majaajileeste dhalad ah buu ahaa. Aad buu dadka ugu qoslin jiray. Maxaa lagugu soo xidhay markaad tidhaahdo wuxuu ku jawaabi jiray “lacagtaydaa ii soo xidhay”. Haduu fanka ku biiro waxaan filayaa inuu suuqa ka saari lahaa Sooraan iyo Jawaan.  

Ma ilaawo labadii saaxiib ee dhalinyaradda ahaa. Mid baa se aad iigu sawiran. Si uu waqtiga isu dhaafiyo wuxuu isku mashquulin jiray inuu ka shaqeeyo xabsiga. Nin xoog wayn oo da’ yar buu ahaa.

Haseyeshee, marka aan xabsiga xusuusto hal nin baan ka werweraa oo maskaxdayda ku abuura walaac. Anigaa isku canaanta oo waxaan is idhaahdaa wax ma u qabatay. Waa 62 jir gadh dheer oo cas leh. Waa ehlu cibaado oo marna wuu tukanayaa marna Quraan buu akhristaa. Imaamka qolkuu ahaa. Qof walba salaadda ayuu u kicin jiray. Ma ogola inuu qolka ku jiro qof aan tukan. Sheekadiisu waa xikmad iyo waayo uu soo maray.

Waa ninka keliya ee markii aan xabsiga ka soo baxay aan baadhay kiiskiisa. Waxaan doontay xukunadii iyo dhokumentiyadii maxkamadaha. Cali Salaad waa reer Xingalool (bariga Sanaag). Mudo dheer buu ku noolaa Hargeysa. Balse Somaliland, Hargeysa iyo caddalaadu ba way dulmeen. Dulmiga ku dhacay waxaan Ilaahay ka baryaa inaanu ku qaadin oo dusha ka saarin dadka intiisa kale. Quraan ruugga, cibaadada miidhan ah ee gardarada lagu haysto inaan Ilaahay inoogu cadhoon baan ka baryaa.

Cali gar Islaan iyo mid kale tooni dusha kama saarto waxa lagu haysto. Ilaahay baa Quraankiisa ku yidhi qofna qof kale dembgiiisa ma qaado. Dembi cid kale loo haysto oo la isla ogol yahay in cid kale loo haysto ayaa isaga la saaray. Kaas buu u xidhan yahay. Weliba wuxuu xidhnaan doonaa mudo aan cayinayn.

Cidda haystaa waa cid magac iyo sharaf badan leh. Waa cid ixtiraam bulshada ku leh. Waa cid la qadariyo. Sidaasdarteed, way adag tahay in laga horyimaado. Dabinno iyo xadhko isku xidhan buu galay.

Cali waxa lagu haystaa in nin uu dhalay lacag ka dhacay niman ajnabi ah oo uu kaga dhacay dal kale. Inankiisu waa 40 jir. Waaba is leeg yihiin. Waa nool yahay oo waa xay xooggiisa iyo laxaadkiisa qaba. Halka uu joogana waa la yaqaan. Laguma haysto Cali inuu dhaca la sheegay qayb ka ahaa iyo inuu hantida waxa ka helay toona. Hadana waxa lagu xukumay sadex sano oo xadhig ah iyo kala badh lacagtii loo haystay inankiisa. Lacagtu mid yar maaha. Waa 5, 00 000 Doolar.

Cali doodiisu waa cadahay. “Diinta Islaamku ima saarin waxa ninkaas qaan gaadhka ahi qabo, waaba hadii uu qabo ileyn kama doodin oo maxkamad lama keenine. Sharciga Somaliland iyo ka aduunkuna ima saarin. Maxaa la igu haystaa?”

Waxa loo haystaa cudhaadh. Waxa la haysanayaa Cali inta inankiisii imanayo oo bixinayo lacagta aanu iska difaacin ee marag iyo cadayn la horkeenay aanay dusha ka saarin.  

Wuxuu ku xidhan yahay xabsi laga yaabo inaad maalin walba adoo qoslaya iska hor martid. Balse isagu murugo ayuu ugu xidhan yahay. Xabsi uu tirsanayo ma jiro oo ma yaqaan intuu xidhnaanayo waayo dhaqanka qalafsan ee qayrul sharciga ah ee Somaliland ka jira ayaa ah in qofka la haysto inta uu bixinayo waxa loo haysto. Si cad buu u mamnuucay xeerka caalamiga ahi in qof lacag loo xidho. Waxa la yidhaahdaa adoonsiga daynta (debt servitude). Quruumihii hore ayaa dadka xabsiga ku hayn jiray inta laga bixinayo lacagta ama daynlaha ayaa yeelan jiray oo adoon ka dhigan jiray.

Waxaaan hubaa in Cali Salaad uu jeclaan lahaa in dadka reer Somaliland ee dareenka wadaniyadeed, Muslinimo iyo banii aadantimo lihi ay u hadlaan. Qasab maaha inaad ku qanacdo hadalkayga, baadhitaan shaqsi ah samee waayo qoraalada maxkamaduhu waa wax la heli karo. Kadib waad la tashan kartaa qareeno iyo culimo si aad u eegtid in waxa Cali lagu haystaa ay tahay gar.

 Khayr baan u rajaynayaa saaxiibadayda xabsiga ee ku jira qolka cidhiidhiga ah ee ay mamnuuca ka tahay buugga, qalinka iyo wax kasta oo la akhriyaa ee hadana isk faraxsan ee iska sheekaysta.

Guleid Ahmed Jama

Maxaa u sabab ah khilaafka soo noqnoqday ee xisbiyada siyaasadeed ee Somaliland

Hordhac

Sanadkii 2001 markii dadwaynaha reer Somaliland afti ku ansixiyeen dastuur dhigaya mabaadida dimoqraadiyadda waxay Somaliland u dhaqdhaqaaqday sidii ay u yagleeli lahayd nidaam dawladeed ku sal leh dimoqraadiyad ay hogaanka siyaasadda u hayaan xisbiyo siyaasadeed (Jhazbhay, 2009). Ka hor aftida dastuurka, madaxda dalka waxa soo xulli jiray ergooyin qabiiladu soo dirteen oo shir wayne ay ku kulmaan ku dooran jiray madaxweyne iyo ku xugeenkiisa iyo labada aqal ee Baarlamaanka. Dimoqraadiyaddu waxay u baahan tahay xisbiyo adag oo waari kara (JANDA, 2005). Geediga lagaga guurayo hab beeleedka ee loo naq raacay xisbiyo la biday inay dhaami doonaan beelo si toos ah u soo xusha hogaanka, waxa uu dad badan u ahaa guul wayn oo ay ku hamiyayeen. Waxa se jiray dad waagaas ka qabay shaki inay suurtagal noqon karto in Somaliland doorasho qaban karta. Sidaasdarteed, hawlaha badankooda waxa lagu galay si degdeg ah.

December 2002 ayaa markii u horaysay tan iyo 1969 dadwaynaha reer Somaliland waxay u dareereen codbixin ay ku kala xulanayeen lix urur siyasaadeed oo sida qorshuhu ahaa sadexda ugu codka badani noqon doonaan xisbiyadda siyaasadda ee dalka (Jama, 2009). Waxa ku soo baxay xisbigii talada dalka hayey ee Ururka Dimoqraadiyadda Umadda Bahowday (UDUB), Ururka Caddaaladda iyo Daryeelka (UCID) iyo ururka kulmiye. Sadexdaas urur oo da’ ahaanna u kala waynaa sida ay u kala horeeyaan waxaay laga bilaabo ku dhawaaqistii natiijada doorashada noqdeen xisbiyada rasmiga ah  ee dalka.

Haseyeeshee, jirintaanka sadexda xisbi waxa muran wayn geliyay siyaasiyiin dood ka keenay turjumadda iyo fahamka dastuurka Somaliland oo dhigaya in dalku yeelanayo sadex xisbiyo iyo Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Axsaabta Siyaasada Xeer 14/2001. Fahamkii hore loo haystay wuxuu ahaa in sadexdii xisbi ee ku soo baxay doorashadii 2002 ay noqonayaan xisbiyada abidkood jira. Halka siyaasiyiinta qaar ku doodeen inay tahay in hadba la furo ururada siyaasadda oo sadexda ugu codka badani ay noqdaan xisbiyo siyaasadeed. Sadexdii xisbi ee hore u jiray way ku kala aragti duwanaayeen doodaas. UDUB iyo UCID way ka soo horjeesteen furitaanka ururo hor leh halka Kulmiye u arkayey in furitaanku haboon yahay. Guushii xisbiga Kulmiye talada dalka ku qabtay 2010 waxay horseeday in mar labaad la furo ururada siyaasadeed oo ay ku baratamaan doorashadii 2012 iyada oo la go’aamiyay in tobankii sanoba hal mar la furo.

Maxaa xisbiyada sadex loogu xadiday

Waydiintu waxay tahay maxaa keenay in hadii dalku yahay dal dimoqraadi ah oo tartanku furan yahay loo cayimay tirada xisbiyada? Nidaamkii dimoqraadiyadeed ee lixdanaadkii (1960-1969) ayaa laga bartay in hadii ay bataan tirada ururada siyaasaddu inay xoojinayso qabyaaladda oo ay abuurmayaan ururo tiro badan oo ku salaysan jifooyin hoose (Bulhan, 2008). Dabadeedna bulshadu ay aad u kala qaybsamayso meeshana ay ka baxayso xasilooni siyasadeed. Si taas loogu maaro helo, waxa la garwaaqsaday inay haboon tahay in la koobo si qabyaalada loo yareeyo ama meesha looga saaro. Somaliland waxay ku hamiyaysay in laba arimood ay ka durkiso ama ka fogayso xisbiyada siyaasadda; qabyaaladda iyo diinta. Ta danbe waxa looga gol lahaa in caqiidada ummadda midaysa aan la gelin khilaaf iyo in laga hortaggo in firqooyinka diimeed ay ururo is diidan oo col isku ah samaystaan.

Qabiilka iyo xisbiyada

Qabiilkii rajadu ahayd in xisbiyadu dawo u noqdaan ayaa afduubay xisbiyadii siyaasadeed. Isla bilowgiiba, ururadii siyaasadeed waxay noqdeen kuwo ka shidaal qaata beelo. Beel waliba waxay samaysatay urur siyaaseed. Sadexdii xisbi waxay noqdeen madal ay ku bahoobaan beelo. Aragtidii laga lahaa inay dawo u noqdaan beelnimada may rumayn inkasta oo ay ku qasabtay in dhawr beeloodba ku midoobaan hal xisbi. Taas oo xoogaa ka sahlan aafadii lixdanaadkii.

Dhaqan siyaasadeed

Dhaqan siyaasadeedkii xisbiyadu markaas wuxuu noqday beelnimo ama qabyaalad. Wax walba oo xisbigii fulinayo iyo barnaamijkiisa siyaasadeed waxaa tiir dhexaad u noqday qabiil.

Khilaafka xisbiyada dhexdooda

Maxaa keena khilaafka ka dhex dhesha xisbi dhexdii? Ugu horayn waxa haboon in la isla fahmo in khilaafku aanu ahayn wax xun islamarkaana aan laga hortegi karin aanayna haboonayn in la isku dayo in khilaafka la cidhib tiro (Lipsky & Ariel C. Avgar, 2010). Khilaafku waa wax nolosha dadka ka mid ah oo qayb laxaad leh ka cayaara horumarka bulshada. Waxa intaas dheer in khilaafku yahay mid ka mid ah astaamaha siyaasadda meel walba oo ay dunida tahay ba.

Dhibaatada Somaliland haysataa markaas maaha jiritaanka khilaafka ee waa maaro u helid la’aanta iyo maqnaanshaha nidaam, shuruuc, habraacyo iyo dhaqan tolmoon oo lagu xalliyo khilaafka. Maxay yihin dhibaatooyinka ka dhex jira xisbiyada ee keena in aan xisbigu heshiin?

1. Aragti la’aan

Qeexidda iyo tilmaanta xisbiyada aad ayaa loogu kala aragti duwan yahay (Bawn et al., 2012). Balse waxa sal u ah mid walba wadaagista aragti ay wada leeyihiin xubanha ka wada tirsan xisbiga (Ball & B. Guy Peters, 2000). Qeexidaas iyo mid kasta oo kale oo aqoonyahanku ku tilmaamaan xisbi waa mid aanay sina u buuxin karayn xisbiyadda Somaliland. Maaha dad ay aragti midaysay oo feker wadaagga. Waa ashqaas u ooman kursi iyo xukun oo ay isku keentay rabitaanka ama caashaqa ay u qabaan inay xukunka gaadhaan ama ay haystaan. Waxa mideeyaa waa dan shaqsi ama kooxeed. Sidaasdarteed, mar walba oo ay is hirdido danaha is diidan ee inta kuwada jirtay xisbiga waxa aan shaki ku jirin inay ku kala tegayaan waayo ma jirto xanjo isku haysta.

 2. Jiritaan la’aan

Marka laga yimaado af ahaan ama hadal ahaa, maaha xisbiyada Somaliland kuwo leh jiritaan. Ma laha xubno leh aqoonsi (ID Cards) oo ka tirsan xisbiga. Ma laha xafiisyo tuulo, degmo iyo xitaa gobol. Xafiisyada waxay kiraystaan marka olole soo dhow yahay. Maqnaanshaha xubnimo (membership) waxay ka dhigtay xisbiyada Somaliland wax aan jirin oo hadana jira. Xisbi waxa shardi u ah inuu leeyahay dad ka tirsan oo la yaqaan. Waa xubnahaas cidda aasaaska u ah ee hadhow ergooyinka shirwaynaha soo dirsata.

Maadama oo aanay jirin xubno, mar kasta oo la doono in la qabto shirwayne muran baa dhasha sababta oo ah waxa aan la isla aqoon cidda ergada soo dirsanaysa iyo qaabka ay u soo dirsanyso midna. Waxa markaas cid walba u cad in kooxdii gacanta ku haysa qaban qaabada shirku inay awood badan u leedahay inay ciday doonto ka dhigto ergo. Taasina waxay sababtaa khilaaf aan sinaba loogu maaro helayn.

Xitaa waxaan cadayn oo aan la aqoon xubnaha golaha dhexe ee xisbiyada. Tusaale ahaan mid ka mid ah xisbiyada Somaliland shirwaynihii u danbeeyey ee uu yeeshay muu dooran xubno gole dhexe ah ee wuxuu doortay tiro. Waxa gacanta loo taagay tirada uu noqon doono golaha dhexe. Sidaadarteed, hadii ay is yidhaahdaan shiriya golaha dhexe labgaran maayo kuwa ay yihiin. Mid kale oo ka mid ah xisbiyada xubnaha golaha dhexe ma cayinna oo waa daba furan. Sidaasdarteed, waa la soo geli karaa oo tiradu kor uun bay isaga socotaa.

3.  Sharci la’aan

Xeerka maamula xisbiyada guud ahaan oo ah Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Axsaabta Siyaasada Xeer. 14/2001 waa xeer si xun u qoran, kooban, af ahaan aan la fahmi karin islamarkaana madmadowga ku jiraa ka badan yahay inta cad. Sababta u wayn ee uu caynkaas u yahay waxay tahay inaan marna loo qorin si degen iyo iyada oo laga fekarayo danta guud. Mar walba waxa loo qoray si dhaqso ah iyada oo ay wax yari ka hadhsan tahay doorasho oo xaalku ka gaadhsii buu ahaa. Waxa intaas dheer in danaha is diidan ee siyaasiyiintu ay si gurracan ugu adeegsadaan inaan xeerku noqon mid waxtar leh oo iyaga dabra.

Xeerarka xisbiyadu leeyihiin iyana waa kuwo la mid ah xagga qaab qoraalka iyo nuxurkaba xeerka guud. Waxay se dheer yihiin inay iskaba sahlan tahay in la bedelo. Hadba kooxda markaas joogta ayaa si aayar ah isaga bedelaysa oo ku darsanaysa ama ka goonaysa waxay rabto. Sidaasdarteed, wax jira oo dad kala saari kara maaha.

4. Guddida Diwaangelinta Ururada Siyaasada iyo Anxisinta Axsaabta Qaranka

Gudida Diiwaangelinta Ururada Siyaasadda iyo Ansixinta Asxaabta Qaranka ayaa sharcigu awood u siiyay inay korjoogteeyaan xisbiyada oo ay hubiyaan inay sharciga raacaan. Nasiib darro gudidani maaha mid shaqaysa oo xilkeeda gudata. Waxa intaas u dheer in Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Asxaabta Siyaasaddu uu ka dhigay mudada jiritaankooda laba sanadood keliya. Wiixi intaas ka danbeeya wuxuu waajibiyay in la qiimeeyo in la cusboonaysiiyo jiritaanka Gudida iyo in xilkaas loo raro Gudida Doorashooyinka. Hada Gudida waqtigoodii wuu dhacay loomana cusboonaysiin. Hadana magac ahaan way sii shaqeeyaan oo mushahar bay ka qaataan Qaranka inkasta oo aanay sharci ahaan jirin oo ay dhiteen waa hore.

5. Siyaasad la’aan

Xisbiyadda siyaasaddu ma laha siyaasad iyo habraacyo qoran oo la raaco. Ma yaqaaniin xubanha iyo madaxda xisbiyadu meesha ay u socdaan iyo sida ay wax u wadaan midna. Waxa lagu wadaa xisbiyada in laga tashado uun timaadada.

6. Sharciga oo aan lagu dhaqmin

Dhibaato kale oo ay kala siman yihiin Somaliland inteeda kale waa sharciga oo aan lagu dhaqmin. Markaas wixii u yaal, haba liitee, maaha mid la raaco oo ixtiraam iyo qadarin leh.

7. Keligii talisnimo iyo lahaansho

Inkasta oo dalku dimoqraadi yahay (ugu yaraan sharci ahaan), hadana xisbiyadu kuma dhaqmaan dimoqraadiyad ee qof baa tuurta u rita awoodda xisbiga. Inta badan culayska xisbiguna wuxuu ku dhacaa qofkaas oo dabadeed u qaato in xisbigu yahay hanti uu isagu iska leeyahay mar hadii hanti iyo dadaal inta badani isaga kaga baxday. Sidaas awgeed, xisbiyadii waxay yeesheen astaan lahaansho gaar ahaaneed. Sidii shirkadaha ayaa markaas waxa awoodda u badan leh qofka saamiga u badan leh. 

8. Dulqaad la’aan

Dulqaadku waa quruxda iyo ruuxda siyaasadda. Waa astaan cajiib ah oo la’aanteed aan siyaasaddu macno wayn yeelaneyn. Siyaasiyiinta Somaliland malaha dulqaad siyaasadeed. Ma xamilaan dabaylaha iyo culaysyada siyaasdeed ee yimaada. Taasina waxay keentaa in si sahlan ay madaxa isula galaan una kala tagaan.

Gebogebo

Xisbiyada siyaasadda iyo nidaamka dawladeed ee Somaliland midna ma dhisin sharci iyo nidaam xubnaha xisbiyadu ku kala bixi karaan. Inta maaro loo helayo dhibaatooyinka sare ku xusan, way sii socon doonta in khilaafka ka dhex dhasha xisbi uu keeno inay kala tagaan madaxda xisbigu oo loo maaro waayo. Si loo saxo khalalaadka jira na, waxa lama huraan ah inay jirto rabitaan siyaaseed oo lagu doonayo in xididka la abaaro ee aan la isku mashquulin faraca.

 Guleid Ahmed Jama, LL.B, PGDip, MA (candidate)

 Tixraac

Ball, A., & B. Guy Peters. (2000). Modern Politics and Government. Palgrave Macmillan.

Bawn, K., Martin Cohen, David Karol, Seth Masket, Hans Noel, & John Zaller. (2012). A Theory of Political Parties: Groups, Policy Demands and Nominations in American Politics. Perspectives on Politics, 10(03).

Bulhan, H. (2008). Politics of Cain. Maryland: Taysan International Publishing.

Jama, I. (2009). Somaliland Electoral Law. Somaliland Law Series.

JANDA, K. (2005). Political Parties and Democracy in Theoretical and Practical Perspectives. National Democratic Institute for International Affairs.

Jhazbhay, I. (2009). Somaliland an African Struggle for Nationhood and Interntational Recognition (1st ed.). Midran South Africa: Institute for Global Dialogue and the South African Institute of International Affairs.

Lipsky, D., & Ariel C. Avgar. (2010). The Conflict Over Conflict Management. Cornell University ILR Shcool.

Gorfayn kooban oo ku saabsan weerarkii Paris

Weeraro haybsan oo si xirfad sare leh loo soo abaabulay ayaa habeenkii Jimcaha ee Sabtidu soo galaysay (13 Nov) lagu qaaday caasimadda dalka Faransiiska. Hawlgalku wuxu ahaa mid siyaabo kala gaar ah isla hal mar u qaaday falal kala duwan oo isugu jiray is-qarxin, rasaasayn iyo af-duub. Wuxuu ahaa weerarkii ugu waynaa ee ilaa hadda Daacish ku qaado Yurub dhexdeeda. Waxa ku dhintay dad shacab ah oo aan hubaysnayn dagaalna ku jirin.

Qaabka loo qaaday weerarka wuxuu muujiyay kaarto wayn oo ay awood u yeelatay Daacish inay weerar caynkan oo kale ah ka fuliso dal Yurub ku yaal. Waxa su’aalaha la is waydiinayaa yihiin xagee baa lagu soo tabobaray dagaal yahanadan? Sidee bay awood ugu yeesheen inay si habaysan uwada xidhiidhaan iyada oo aanay dareemin sirdoonka Faransiisku?

 Inkasta oo Yurub u toog haysay gacan ka hadal kaga yimaado Daacish, hadana ma ahayn weerar farsamadan sare lihi mid la filayay.

 Waxa loo aqoonsaday inuu ahaa weerarkani kii ugu xumaa ee Yurub ka dhaca tan iyo 2004 markii la weeraray khadka tareenada ee caasimadda Spain. Waana weerarkii ugu xumaa ee Faransiiska soo maraa tan iyo tagaalkii labaad aduunka.

 Maxaa loo bar tilmaameedsay Paris?

Sababaha keenay in Daacish ay bartilmaameed sato Paris waxa loo kala qaadi karaa kuwo gudaha ah iyo kuwo debedda ah.

Sababaha gudaha ah

Faransiisku waa dalka ugu Muslimiinta badan qaarada Yurub. Dadka Muslimiinta ah ee dalkaas degani waa kuwo nolol hoose oo aan muuqan ku nool wax waynna ka tirsada nidaamka. Waxa la qiyaasaa in 70% dadka xabsidaya Faransiiska ku jiraa ay yihiin Muslimiin. Xabsiyada dhexdooda ayaa dad badani ku bartaan aragtida xag jirnimada ah.

 Waxa ku sahlan Faransiiska qul qulka hubka iyo helidiisa. Ciidamada ammaanka laftoodu miisaaniyadda lagu bixiyaa maaha mid sidaas u buuran. Labadii sano ee u danbeeyeyna waxa ku socday dib u habayn si ay awood ugu yeeshaan inay iska celin karaan falalka argagixiso.

Dhalinyaro badan oo Muslimiin ku nool Yurub ah ayaa ku biira Daacish oo aragtidooda la dhacsan. Wararka hordhaca ah ee ilaa hada la helayo waxay sheegayaan in ugu yaraan mid ka mid ah dadkii weerarka qaaday oo la cadeeyey cidda uu yahay la aqoonsaday inuu yahay Faransiis. Taasina waxay sii xoojinaysaa werwerka Yurub oo dhami ka qabto in muwaadiniintooda aadaysa Suuriya iyo Ciraaq ay dib ugu soo noqdaan Yurub oo ka geystaaan weeraro.

 Sababo debedda ah

Faransiisku wuxuu hormood wayn ka yahay dagaalka lagula jiro Daacish. Duqayn ayuu ka geystaa inta badan Ciraaq isaga oo dhowaan ku sii fiday Suuriya. Wuxuu sidoo kale hawlgallo ka fuliyaa Faransiisku dalalka Maali iyo Liibiya.

  Daacish guud ahaan waxay bartilmaameedsanaysaa Yurub sidaadarteed waxay weerar ku qaadi kartaa hadba dalkii ay u aragto inuu dagan yahay.

Maxaa ka dhalanaya weerarkan

Weerarkani wuxuu ku abuuray walaac wayn dadka Muslimiinta ah ee degan wadamada Yurub kuwaas oo horeba cadaadis uga haystay siyaasiyiinta iyo dadka midigta fog ah oo nacayb u qaba soo galootiga iyo Muslimiinta. Waxa suurtagal ah in weerarkani fursad siiyo siyaasiyiinta midigta fog ah inay xukunadda dalalka Yurub qabsadaan.

Waxay sidoo kale keeni kartaa in jawaab cadho ku salaysan ay ka bixinayaan dawladaha reer galbeedka oo sii xumayn karta xaalaadda.

Waxay tusaale u tahay in dagaalka ka dhanka ah Daacish aanu ahayn mid farsamo miyir ku salaysan ku socda islamarkaana xalku aanu ahayn dagaal balse uu ku jiro xal siyaaseed oo loogu maaro helo dhibaatooyin dhawr ah oo ka jira Barigga Dhexe.

Guleid Ahmed Jama

Centre for Policy Analysis

www.centerforpolicy.net

Email: cpa.hornofafrica@gmail.com

Somaliland: mass cabinet resignations

Quitted ministers pledged loyalty to the nation and reiterated to run within the ruling party’s expected November contest that has sparked party split which resulted large scale senior government officials resignations including the most powerful man in cabinet, Hersi Haji Ali, a man famously known as the prime minister. In yesterday, 26^th October, Hersi, once the right hand of the president and the closest aide, unpredictably announced resignation along other ministers including presidential hopeful Mohamed Behi, former minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Justice, Minister of Public Works, Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, and others.

The decision of the cabinet members and director general came after the president allegedly ordered his cabinet to back Muse Behi, a presidential hopeful and head of the ruling party. The news has shocked opponents of Musa Behi who have been in conflict with the party leadership since Kulmiye came in power in 2010. President’s allegiance for Musa, a veteran of Somali National Movement (SNM) which the president led in 1980s, amount power shift.

The row between two contesting camps in the ruling party is based on leadership struggle. One camp led by chairman of Kulmiye, Muse Behi, mostly comprises of SNM veterans, secured the support of the first lady, media reports claim. It is believed that due to this strong backing of the ruling family the president decided to move from his earlier position to the nomination of Muse Behi. The president has never publicly declared support to any group.

The other camp whose spiritually leader is Hersi Haji Ali, mostly consists of religious inclined politicians, and opponents who have historical opposition to Muse Behi. This group maintained strong positions in the government and almost run the country since 2010. Their preferred candidate was Abdiazis Mohamed Samale, an Islamist. But he resigned months ago from the cabinet after the president in reshuffle moved him from Ministry of Finance to Ministry of Education, a move Samale has seen as downgrading. The Minister of Industries resigned at that time in support of Samale.

 The resignation of Samale was big blow to his group whom from that date has been becoming distant from the president. To compensate the damage inflicted by the unilateral Samale’s decision, the group put forward as a candidate Mohamed Behi, who is not Islamists.

The Central Committee meeting is scheduled on 10^th November 2015 to select presidential candidate for the ruling party, Kulmiye, because the current president is not running for reelection. It is not yet clear if the mass resignations will benefit any candidate, but it created a concern in the country.   

Guleid Ahmed Jama

 This view is my own and I do not express in representing any entity.

Somaliland: ideological debate in social media

Debates among the Somalilanders in the social media is many times ideological: secularists vs Islamists; liberals vs socialists; clannists vs nationalists etc. But, in the mainstream media and public platforms, these topics are not in the agenda. It is puzzling why the two do not resemble. Despite the huge freedom and sometimes anonymity the social media (specifically the faceboook) is offering, the explanation is not quit easy. I argue if such ideological discussions and point of views are embedded in our political, social, economic and cultural dialogues, we would have different and positive direction.

Although deep intolerance is evidently apparent in these debates at the social media, it shows the presence of people who hold ideas above clan politics, people bound together by what they believe, but not the clan they belong to. I have observed how people who belong to same clan have very distant (or even hostile) views. Almost endless debate involved by people who are scattered all over the world continue in our social media. It is wrong to claim that the debate in the social media is positive and may have fruitful results if mainstreamed, but it is a sign of different topics that interest the masses without taking into consideration the dominant narration.

The two leading debaters, in my assessment, are secularists and Islamists. There is a presence of atheists in insignificant number. However, the robust and leading sides are Islamists and secularists which are neither homogenous nor united. Many Islamists in the social media hold conflicting ideas whereas secularist are not united as well.

Most surprisingly, the centre of the arguments is not only the role of religion in public life. This does not mean there is no debate on this subject. There is big one on the matter. However, the questions that repeatedly ring the bell are those directed to the meaning of Islam, its interpretation, role of reason in religious understanding, the influence of Arab culture, the power of religious leaders and freedom of religion.   

Therefore, in many occasions arguments is sparked by for instance someone questioning how traditionally certain things were attached to a religious meaning or the long held negative views on women. Others focus on the change of religious trends and feel outnumbered and influenced by new religious movements. This later group stand to defend Sufism which they see as the true religious path.

Another thing I have so far observed is the people who are involved in the debates. The secularist (if I group together all those oppose the Islamists) mostly comprises of two groups. One group is young and educated and based in Somaliland. The other group are predominantly educated in Muslim countries. This composition surprises me because I would have expected secularist to be educated or to live in the Western countries.

The Islamists (all those who campaign for religious laws to administer in the state and private lives) encompasses two group. One group is members of religious organizations/movements. The second group is young and educated in religious institutions based in the Arab countries or in Somaliland. They may not belong to particular religious organization/movement, but they are influenced and trained by religious movements. The Islamists are better organized and have other platforms outside of the social media.  

 The above categorization is not inclusive. The masses are in fluid positions; one time siding with secularists and another time siding with Islamists depending on the topic on hand.  

The word secularist (in Somali the Arabic word of Cilmaani is adapted) is taboo because it is depicted as atheists, although two are totally different topics. Therefore, the word secularism/secularists is rarely used in these debates.

My point in this commentary is not to analyse the trends and who is winning. What I would like to suggest is giving the social media discussions a space at the mainstream platforms and forums so that the people are equally informed and clan politics is suppressed.

This view is my own and I do not express in representing any entity.

 Guleid Ahmed Jama

http://www.guleidjama.blogspot.com

Twitter: @GuleidJ 

https://www.facebook.com/guuleed.dafac

   

     

Xorriyad (freedom)

Sawirka: Google images 

Xorriyaddu waa aragti iyo mabada’ sal balaadhan oo qalad wayn laga fahmay micnihiisa iyo nuxur ahaan wuxuu u jeedo. Waa aragti aadanuhu siyaalo kala duwan u qaato si ku salaysan halka uu awoodda kaga jiro, cidda uu yahay, lacagta uu haysto intay leeg tahay, rag iyo dumar kuu yahay, meesha uu joog, xaalada uu ku sugan yahay iyo waxyaabo kale oo badan.

Ereyga xoriyad waa af Carabi lagu isticmaalay afka Soomaaliga. Si aad iyo aad u kala duwan ayaa “xoriyad” loogu isticmaalaa af Soomaaliga. Tusaale ahaan ereyadan soo socda ee af Ingiriisiga ah waxa badiyaa lagu turjumaa erey isku mid ah oo ah “xoriyad”: 1. Liberty, 2. Freedom. 3. Independence. Tan danbe mararka qaar baa dadku u isticmalaaan xorriyad iyaga oo ka hadlayaa in dal ka xoroobo gumayste. Tusaale ahaan “Somaliland waxay xorriyadda heshay 1960”. Aalaa se waxa la door bidaaa madax-banaani (independence).

Micnaha faraha badan ee la siiyay af ahaan ereygan waxay keentay in fahamkiisu kakanaado oo uu noqod mid marin habaabay. Sidaasdarteed, way haboon tahay in culumida afka Soomaaliga baratay ama dersitaa ay u maaro helaan arinkaas. Maadama oo aanan ka mid ahayn kuwa bartay afka ama dersa, uma daadegayo halkaas.

 Aragti ahaan xorriyadda oo aan halkan uga jeeda “freedom” laftigeeda ayaa leh wejiyo badan oo waxay inta badan ku xidhan tahay halka aad ka taaga tahay. Isku qaska wejiyada badan ee xorriyada ayaa u ah sees qalad fahamka xorriyadda.

Qofka aadanaha ahi wuxuu leeyahay dareeno iyo rabitaano shaqsi ah oo ay adag tahay inuu ka wada xoroobo. Dad aad u tiro yar baa gaadha derejadaas. Qofku wuxuu ka dhex jiraa bulsho leh diin iyo dhaqan go’aamiyo wax badan oo ka mid ah noloshiisa, sida wuxuu cunayo, sida uu u cunayo, wuxuu xidho, sida uu u xidhanayo, meeshuu seexdo, sida uu u seexdo, sida uu u hadlo, wuxuu ka hadlo, cidda uu guursanayo, sida uu u guursanyo, marka uu dhinto sida loo aasayo iyo cidda aasaysa iyo wayxaabo badan oo qofku qabto si maalin le ah ama xillile ah. Qofka way ku adag tahay inuu helo fursad uu ugu noolaado si ka duwan sida bulshadiisu u nooshahay. Ha noqoto ta ugu wayni in qofka lagu soo koriyay oo maskaxdiisu ay u samaysan tay sida ay bulshada uu la nool yahay rabto, balse sidoo kale qofka laftiisa ayaa ka maaga inuu ka horyimaado bulshada.

Dhaqanada iyo diinaha bushooyinku waa keligood saxnayaal oo bulsho waliba waxay ku ababisaa caruurteeda in diintooda iyo dhaqankooda qudhi saxan yahay. Hadii ilmuhu ka dhex dhashay bulsho Hinduu haysata waxay u badan tahay inaan qofku isku hawlin inuu wax ka ogaado diin kale ama uu su’aal geliyo diintiisa. Sidaasdarteed, waxay u badan tahay inuu sidaa ku dhinto.

Qofku wuxuu yimaadaa aduunka isaga oo taag daran oo ilme yar ah oo ooyayaya. Wuu koraa. Waalidkii nolosha ay ku nool yihiin iyo dugsiga uu u tago inuu ka waxbarto (hadii ay jirto) ayaa saamayn wayn ku yeelata sida uu isu arko qof ahaan ilmahaasi. Midaas buu la koraa. Maadama oo aan dadku u helin fursad ay ku kala doortaan qoysaska ay ka dhalanayaan, way ku adag tahay dadku inay kala xushaan dhaqankooda, dalkooda iyo diintooda ama diin la’aantooda (tan danbe waa mid tobanaankii sano ee danbe ku soo badatay dunida, gaar ahaan reer galbeedka).

Xadhkahaas badan ee ku xidh xidhan qofka waxa u dheer mid kale oo bulshadii meel wada joogtaa ay isku raacday inuu u noqdo xidhe guud oo qof walba qabta. Waxay u bixiyaan magacyo badan oo ku xidhan dabcan afka bulshada. Soomaalidu waxay tidhi xeer. Xeerka sida uu u ku yimaadda laftigeedu way ku kula duwan yihiiin bulshooyinku. Qaar baa ku tiirsan xeer ay aamisan yihiin in Eebaha ay caabudaan uu u soo dejiyay, qaarna waxay ku tiirsan yihiin dad ay ixtiraamaan diin ahaan ama dhaqan ahaan oo u sameeya xeerka, qaarna iyaga ayaa samaysta. Tan danbe ayay hada u badan yihiin wadamada casriga ah ee aynu ku hoos noolahay.

Xeerkaasi, si kasta ha ku yimaadee, waxyaabaha uu ka hadlo waxa ka mid ah xorriyadaha qofka iyo heerka ay gaadhsiisan tahay awoodda bulshadu u leedahay xeer ahaan inay xannibto. Bulshadu waxay aqoonsan tahay in dabarka bulsho ee qofka ku xidhani aanu ahayn mid qasbi kara. Tusaale ahaan hadii la yidhaahdo qofku gacanta bidix wax kuma cuni karo, waxa hubaal ah hadii uu ku cuno in aan bulshadu talaabo ciqabeed daran ku qaadi karin, marka laga yimaado inay haaraamaan ama gadoomiyaan.

Dabarka xeerka ku dhigani wuxuu muraayad u yahay dhaqanka iyo xeel dheerida aqoontooda. Tusaale ahaan mar baa bulshada reer galbeedku ciqaab xun (oo dil ka mid yahay) marin jirtay dadka la yimaada aragtida saynis ee ka duwan tii Kiniisaddu qabtay. Rag badan oo horyaal u ahaa korordhka cilmiga sayniska ayaa ku god galay feker saliim ah oo ay la yimadeen oo ka soo horjeeday xeerarkii bulshada u yiil oo lahaa dabarro is barkinaya dabarka bulsho iyo xeerka bulsho.

Bulshooyinkan maantu waxay aad ugu horumareen siyaasad ahaan oo waxay gaadheen heer dhawr dadyow oo kala dhaqan duwan la iskugu keeno hal maamul siyaasadeed leh xeer wadareed iyagoo dhan maamula. Waxa taas barbar socota in dunida laftigeedii isku furan tay oo hadii waagii hore wabiyada iyo buuruhu xuduudo aan la dhaafi karin ahaayeen, maanta si sahlan baa labada daraf ee dunida la iskaga gooshi karaa.

Sidaasdarteed, waxa lama huraan noqotay in la qeexo xeer guud oo aadanuhu wadaago isaga oo ku kala duwan diinta, dhaqanka, afka, aragtida, aqoonta, horumarka maadiga ah iwm.

Markaas xorriyaddii qofku uu u qeexi jiray sida bulshadiisu u aragto waxay noqotay in loo qeexo si guud oo xeer lagu asteeyo. Markas baa la yidh xorriyadda qofka waa in la dhawraa si aan qof waliba dhiniciisa ugu halgamin si uu u dhacsado wuxuu u arko inay kaga maqan yihiin bulshada inteeda kale ama aanu uga caasiyoobin bulshada oo fawdadu u badan.

Isku qaska sida wax bulsho u aragto iyo xeerka u yaal waxay tiir wayn u tahay in bulshadu fawdo gasho waayo qof waliba si gaar ah ayuu u turjumanayaa arin kasta isaga oo ku doodaya inuu ku saleeyey caado soo jireen ah oo laga yaabo inuu u qaloociyay si isaga markaas u dan ah.

Xorriyadda markaas laga hadlayaa, marka xeer ahaan la eegayo, waa midda ku astaysan waxa bulshadu isla garawsatay iyada oo lagu salaynayo dabeecadda banii aadamka oo ah inaan midna midka kale ka xaq badnayn, ka sarayn oo aanu lahayn mudnaan u gaar ah. Markaa qof waliba wuxuu xor u noqday inaanu ka xishoon aragtidiisa oo aanu is odhan ka awoodda fadhiya ayaa kaa caqli badan ama kaa xoog badan, ee sida ay ula muuqato inuu u sheego hadii uu hayo aragti ku saabsan tusaale ahaan biyo xidheen webi soo fakada hadba, abaaro soo noq noqday, tuug naftii isugu keentay, hanti la wada lahaa oo la boobayo, awooddii oo si xun loo isticmaalay, halka ay tahay in bulshadu u jeesato iwm. Wuxu xor u noqday inuu dhaq dhaqaaqo, cibaadaysto, guursado inantuu tabo, ay guursto inankay rabto (iyada oo aan la eegin dabarka bulsho ee beel gaar ah diidaya guurkeeda), inuu xor ka noqdo gaajo oo ka lagu aaminay hantida guud uu u cadaalad qaybiyo dadka oo dhan, inuu xor ka noqda cabsi.

Dhibta maanta taagani waxay noqotay in dadka qaar ay fahmi waayeen qaarna ay ogaan isugu qaseen sadexda arimood ee aynu kor ku see sheegnay. Sadexdaas oo kala ah 1. Qofka iyo naftiisa (waxay rabto iyo waxay siiday) 2. Qofka iyo bulshadiisa 3.     Qofka iyo xeerka.

Xorriyaddu waxay ku salaysan tahay inaan dadku is adoonsan oo si cabiidsan, inaan qofna qof ka sarayn oo u awood sheegan, inaan qofna ama kooxina ku qasbin qof waxay rabto. Tusaale ahaan dadka diimaha samaawiga ah haysta (Islaamka iyo ehlu kitaabka) waxay aamisan yihiin in Ilaahay dadka abuuray oo uu isagu dunida keenay iyaga oo siman. Iyada oo taas laga duulayo waxa la asteeyey in aadnahaas Ilaahay abuuray ay kala xoroobaan oo qof waliba qofka kale xor ka noqdo, xorra u noqdo noloshiisa. Sidaas oo ay tahay hadii qofku isagu isku soo rogayo dabarro uu ku saleeyey diintiisa ama dhaqanka bulshadiisa ama rabitaankiisa shaqsiga ah cidina u diidi mayso. Waxaa se shardi ah in qofku xor ka yahay dadka kale. Garo oo hadii qofku yidhaahdo anigu Ilaahay xor kama ahi oo kharmiga ma cabayo, doofaarka ma cunayo iwm, xorriyadu u diidi mayso ee way dhiirigelinaysaa waayo xorriyaddu dadka ayay kala xorraysay ee qofna naftiisa weerar kuma aha. Sidaasdarteed baa xorriyad ka mid ah kuwa ugu muhiimsan ay tahay xorriyadda caqiiidada si loo ilaaliyo in qofku isaga oo Muslim ah, tuaale ahaan, uu ku dhex cibaadaysan karo bulsh Kiristan ama Hinduu u badan.

Xorriyaddu waa waxa ka taagta daran ka ilaaliya ka xoogga wayn, ka lacagta haysta ka ilaaliya ka faqiirka ah, ka badan ka ilaaliya ka yar. Xorriyaddu waa waxyaabihii u horeeyey ee diinta Islaamku ku soo kordhisay dunida: in dadku kala xoroob. Waxaa se yaab ah kun iyo afar boqol oo sano kadib, dadkii Muslimka ahaa laga baryayo inay qaataan wixii diintoodu u sheegtay waagaas. Waxaanan se ula yaabin wax badan oo diintu ina fartay baynu aasnay ama iska indho tirnaa ama cid kale u tirinaa lahaansheheeda.

Xorriyaddu waa hanti iyo xoog uu qofku leeyahay keligii waana waxa keliya ee ka ilaaliya qofka bulshada inteeda kale gaar ahaan kuwa xoogga badan ama lacagta badan. Bulsho waxay horumari kartaa inta ay leeg tahay xorriyadda ay siisay qofka. Waxa tusaale kuugu filan dal walba oo ka mid ah kuwa horumaray ee maanta jooga ama taariikhdu kuwa ay dhigtay ee waayo hore talin jiray. Sababta oo ah horumarka waxa keena fekerka. Waxana fekera qof haysta xorriyadda fekerka.

Guleid Ahmed Jama