Continuity of political turmoil in Somaliland

Since 2003 presidential election in which the then incumbent won on small margin, about two hundred votes, political crisis are part and parcel of every day political life of this unrecognized poor country. Majority of the citizens are unaware of or uninterested the contents of the quarrel between the political elites. Election postponement and extension of terms are mostly what causes the crisis.   

Somaliland is praised for solving its conflicts peacefully trough what is called “compromise”. Somaliland politicians proudly argue that compromise is what makes Somaliland different from Somalia. But, what do they mean compromise?  Compromise is meant in here resolving dispute peacefully even if the agreement violates the constitution. There have been incidents where the parties agreed terms that are contrary to the constitution. Furthermore, compromise handicaps the constitution and the institutions founded to solve constitutional or legal stand of. Compromise undermines the rule of law. It enabled the politicians to sideline the law and agree outside of the law.

The solutions reached in compromise are short lived. You see in Somaliland the persistence and repetition of same conflicts over time. The same fact that has been resolved creates new and fresh conflict because it has never been faced properly. Students of conflict and peace studies also will agree with the fact that wrong conflict resolution mechanism does not solve the conflict but it appeases and then it resurfaces thereafter. Therefore, compromise has never solved conflict in Somaliland.

Compromise also paralyses the institutions that are established to become forum for discussion. The Parliament which comprises of members from different and opposing political parties is institution whose procedure embraces debate. But in Somaliland, every parliamentary debate evolves into political and sometimes clan conflict. Why? The parliament has never been allowed to debate and reach decision on vote where the majority wins. Whenever sensitive issue is brought to the House of Representatives the minority side choices to escalate the issue into violence and organizes the public. Violence occurs in the House and the Parliamentarians use force instead of vote. Boxing replaces the show of hands. Compromise is then how the matter is later resolved.

It was February this year when severe political crises emanated from normal parliamentary debate that has evolved into serious clan and political tension was solved when the parties agreed on very vague terms. The whole issue started from bill on voter registration and national identity cards distribution. Few weeks later, the same issue is on the table again. The members of the House of Representative disagreed and mobilized supporters to take on the streets. On 15^th November one person was killed and six others were injured in Buroa after police fired to protesters. Life was lost because of political failure and poor conflict resolution mechanism.    

The so called “compromise” labeled as the secret that saved Somaliland is the very threat to its existence. If Somaliland politicians do not apply the law and permit the institutions to perform their tasks, compromise will back fire.

Kacaankii 21kii October Dabadii Soomaalidii Meeday?

21kii October 1969 habeenkii la sii gelbiyay labaatankii October lana ibo furay 21kii October waa mid Soomaali meel ay joogtoba ay ka wada dheregsan tahay, midba si gaar ah ha ugu suntanaadee. October oo dharaartaas horteed dadka Soomalida dhexdeeda bil caadiya ka ahayd waxay noqotay maalinta malaha ugu caansan dharaaraha soo mara Soomali.

Ciidamadii Soomalida ee u darbanaa inay difaacaan qarankoodii Soomaaliyeed oo taasna ku mutaystay muxibiyo kalgacal waxay aroortaas afka dhulka u dareen dawladii rayidka ahayd ee dadka Soomaaliyeed soo doorteen, balse caanka ku noqotay musuqmaasuq, doorasho lagu shubto iyo eex. Sidaasdarteed, ciidankii aroortaas riday waxay Soomalidu ku soo dhowaysay sacab iyo heeso amaan ah. Yaab malaha oo hab maamuleedkii rayidka ahaa ayaa khaatiyaan la iska taagay wixii bedelaana dheeman uun baa loo arkayay iyo gurmad xagga Eebe ka yimi.

Heesihiii iyo amaantii sida ikhyaarka ah ku bilaaban tay waxay waagii danbe isku rogeen in qasab iyo xoog lagaga dhigo in dadku amaaanan waxa markii danbe loogu yeedhay kacaanka iyo hogaamiyihiisii amaaanta jeclaa ee Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Odayga oo dadka badankiisu ka hor afgenibigaas aan la aqoon waxa uu noqday caan. Dadka qaar waxay u yaqaaniin hogaamiye wadani ah oo majaraha u qabtay qaranka isaga oo fulinaya siyaasadihii kacaanka barakaysan. Hogaamiyahaas oo jabhado beelaysani iyaga oo raadinaya dano qabileed ay rideen. Dadka qaarna waxay u yaqaaniin hogaamiye habaar qaba ah oo umada Soomaaliyeed oo mid ah intuu xoog ku qabsaday xasuuq iyo layn ba’an u geystay. Labadan doodood waxay ku salaysan yihiin dabcan halkaad kaga noolayd Jamhuuriyadii Soomaalida ee odaygu mar ku amar ku taaglayn jiray.

Waxa se taas kaba sii daran, in burburkii dawladii Maxamed ay dadka qaarna u horseeday nabad iyo barwaaqo qaarna dab iyo holac dabintiisa loo maaro iyo aayo waayay. Markaa ha la yaabin qofka dhicidda Siyaad ay kow ugu ahayd dagaal iyo colaad. Hana dhibsanin ka xornimo iyo nabadi kow u ahayd maalintii Ina Barre dalka laga saaray. Odaygu waa magacya badnaa markaa ha ila yaabin hadaan dhawr magac oo kala jaad ah soo qaatay. Hooyaday waxay u taqaan Af-wayne.

21tan sano dabadeed markii uu dalka haystay waa laga caydhiyay dalkii uu haystay. Mooji waxa isaga tirada kow iyo labaatan daba dhigay e, kow iyo labaatanku farxad iyo murugay u ahayd isaga. Hada waa inaga hooseeyaa oo tuur tuurkiisu ku tiigaali mayno. Geeridiisa dabadeed dadka qaar markay magaciisa maqlaan Eebe ha u naxariisto bay yidhaahdaan qaarna Eebe cadaabta ha ku fogeeyo. Mid mahadiya iyo mid nacladaba waxay tani tusaale u tahay in Odaygu u yahay astaan kala fogaanshaha Soomaalida. Waa taariikh ninba meel ka akhriyaa oo aan isqaadanayn. Sidee markaas la isugu keeni karaa ninka Siyaad halyeey u yahay iyo ka uu dhiig yacab u yahay. Ninkii kii Af-wayne riday dagaal ooge u yahay iyo ka uu mujaahid hanuun san u yahay. Waa hal xidhaale ay tahay in Soomaalida qaarkeed oo aanay u dhaadhacsanayn inay garwaaqsato.

45 sano dabadeed 21kii October 1969 iyo 24 sano dabadeed 1991kii, waa sanadkii kacaanku dhashay iyo kii uu dhintay e, Soomaalidii uu u talin jiray Siyaad waxay maanta kala joogaan laba xaaladood oo kala tagan. Waa kuwo colaad iyo dhiig dhex dabaalanaya oo u taag la sidii ay mar uun uga bixi lahaayeen nolosha ay ku jiraan Siyaadna dib ha u soo noqdo haduu doono e. Iyo kuwo badhaadhe dhex jiifoo noloshu u roon tahay.

Waa aduun iyo xaalkiiyoo la yaab ma laha e aan is cadeyee (waa gebegobo qoraalkani) hadaad is waydiinaysay labada midkaan ku jiro akhriste, anigu Siyaad dabadii waa dheg dheer dhimatoo dhulkii nabad. Adse hadaad dhinaca kale tahay duco iga qabo in Eebe ka saaro belada iyo sharka, adna ha ka masuugin inaad aqoonsatid in labada kala duwan yihiin oo waayuhu aanu ku noqon doonin halkuu joogay 21kii October 1969. 

Falaqayn buugga, Xadka Riddada: Maxaa Ka Run Ah?

Buugga xadka ridda: maxaa ka run ah? Waxa qoray Siciid A. Ismaaciil. Buugani wuxuu ka dhaliyay bulshada Soomaalida ah dhexdeeda buuq iyo qaylo dheer sababta oo ah qaar ka mid ah wadaada loogu ixtiraamka badan yahay Soomalida dhexdeeda ayaa si adag u canbaareeyey ilaa xad ay gaadheen inay ku tilmaameen mid diinta ka soo horjeeda, qoraaguna inuu ku gefay diinta Islaamka.

Waxan fursad u helay inaan akhriyo buugan kadib markii nin aan saaxiib nahay ila soo wadaagay. Balse taas ka hor waxan dhegaystay culimo maagaysa qoraaga buuga. Markaan dhameeyey akhriska buuga waxan goostay inaan falayqan kooban ka qoro nuxurka buugaasi sido.

Sida ka muuqata cinwaanka buugga, qoraagu wuxuu awoodda saaray inuu ka jawaabo waydiinta ah inuu diinta waafaqsan yahay xadka lagu xukumo qofka ka baxa diinta Islaamka. Hadii aan soo koobana wuxuu ku doodayaa inaanu jirin xukun ay tahay in ifka la saaro qofka diinta ka baxa balse Eebe aakhiro ku xisaabinayo. Doodiisa wuxuu ku salaynayaa aayado Quraan ah iyo culimo Muslimiin ah oo la aragti ah qoraaga.

Taas ka sokow qoraagu wuxuu si qoto dheer u iftiimanayaa dood ay yar tahay in lagu arko dadka Soomalida ah dhex dooda. Caadiyan Soomalida waxa u caado ah in waxa wadaadku yidhaahdo sidiisa loo qaato gar iyo gar darroba. La isma waydiiyo in wadaadku waxa uu gudbinayaa tahay diintii Islaamka iyo inay tahay sida uu u fahmay diinta Islaamka. Sidaasdarteed, buugu wuxuu si xirfadaysan u carinayaa qofka Soomaaliga ah si uu u baraarugo oo uu awood ugu yeesho inuu kala saaro aragtida wadaadka iyo diinta.

Qoraagu wuxuu adeegsaday tixraac badan oo aayado quraan ah, axaadiis iyo kutub isugu jira. Waxa aan shaki ku jirin in qof kasta oo ka aragti duwan ama u arka waxa uu qoray inuu diinta ka soo horjeedo inuu qalin iyo buug qaato oo uu ku beeniyo buug leeg ama la mug ah ka uu qoray Siciid, islamarkaaana leh tixraaca ku xardhan buugan. Intii aan akhriyayey buug Soomaali qoray waa buuga ugu tixraaca badan ee aan arkay. Sidaasdarteed, qudbad la jeediyaa ma burin karto afkaarta iyo dooda buuggan ku jirta.

Inkasta oo aanan ku doodayn inaan raacsanahay ama durayo nuxurka qoraaga, hadana waxa ii cadaatay markaan akhriyay buuga in waxa ku qorani aanay ahayn wax cusub ama wax uu jeebkiisa kala soo baxay, balse inay tahay dood hore uga dhex taagnayd bulshada Islaamka. Markaas in isaga la dulsaaro eed gaar ahi waxay u dhigan tahay in ujeedadu tahay in loo diido dadka Soomalida ah inay akhriyaan buugaas waayo waxa run ah in qofka akhriyaa uu garawsanayo in waxa laga sheegayo buugga iyo waxa ku qorani aanay is-lahayn.

Taas waxa dheer in buugu uu iftiiminayo in mar walba dadka siyaasadda ku jira ama kuwa danaha gaarka ah lihi inay u adeegsadaan diinta ujeedadooda si ay ugu beer laxawsadaan bulshada Islaamka ah. Waxa taas cadayn u ah in al Shabaab iyo ururada la aragtida ahi ay u adeegsadaan diinta siyaasadohooda qalafsan. Markaas in aanay macquul ahayn inaad qof walba oo ku andacooda inuu diin kuu sheegayo inaad warkiisa raacdid.

Waxan hubaa in dad badan oo Soomaali ahi ay ka boodeen buugan iyo qoraaga ba, waxan se idinku boorin lahaa inaad horta akhridaan intaaydaan xukumin. Caqli maaha inaad qofka xukuntid adiga oo aan ogayn dembiga uu galay. Sidoo kale, waa in loo dulqaata aragtiyaha kala duwan iyo in dadku doodi karaan.

Buugani wuxu ibo furay dood qiime gaar ah u leh bulshada Soomalida ah oo aan inteeda badani aqoon u lahayn afka Carabiga. Taasina ay ku keentay inay qaataan wax walba oo wadaadka u fasirayaa u sheego.

Maaha abaalka qoraaga buugan in lagu xukumo inuu yahay diin laawe, balse waxay ahayd in laga hadal siiyo oo doodiisa la dhegaysto cidii diidanina durto. Qofka xaqa hayaa maaha inuu ka baqo cidda la doodaysa. Sidaasdarteed, waxa u furan wadaadada inay la doodaan qoraagan oo anay ka cabsoon oo ay buriyaan wuxuu ku dooday iyaga oo aan hafrayn, waa hadii ay hayaan waxay ku diidan yihiin oo asal leh.

Ugu danbayntii aniga ha igu xukumin inaan ku raacsanahay ama diidanahay qoraaga. Balse waxad ii qaadataa inaan ahay qof aaminsan in doodu furan tahay oo aan dadka lagu adoonsan afkaar gaar ah balse loo ogolaado inay diintoda bartaan oo ay ogaadaan afkaaraha kala duwan ee jira. Ugu danbayntii, anigu wax aqoon ah uma lihi qoraaga shaqsiyan, ismana naqaan. 

The North Waziristan of Somaliland: Sanaag regional administration poses threat to the world peace

North Waziristan is tribal region in Pakistan under the control of tribesmen. The region bordering with Afghanistan is stronghold of Pakistani Taliban and al Qaida. There are similarities between Sanaag of Somaliland and North Waziristan of Pakistan. This commentary explains the similarities of the two regions, and the threat the local administration failures could pose to the world peace. 

 Sanaag is the least developed region and one of the two most insecure regions (the other one is Sool) in Somaliland. Sanaag, east of Somaliland, is the largest region with the longest coastline in the country.  The majority of its inhabitants live in the rural areas. Many factors have been pointed as the cause of the setback and the backwardness of the region. These articulations include the border conflict between Somaliland and Puntland. Such claim overshadowed the root causes and the more important catalysts of the problem.

It is true that Sanaag is in the heart of serious border conflict that has many times escalated into violence, but the fact on the ground is that such border syndrome is far less important for the local people. There are other core issues that make the region the North Waziristan of Somaliland.

Sanaag is tribal region in which the clans have the rein of power. The government structures are weak and are swallowed by the dominant power, the clan. Nepotism and corruption undermine the peace and create quagmire. The ministries and the other government agencies are infiltrated by clansmen. The Police and the courts are the worst. Always those clans in alliance with the government have the upper hand and use the government power against the others.

The educated class migrated from the region to the other parts of the country and Puntland. University graduates flood to Hargeisa and Buroa of Somaliland and Bosaso and Garowe of Puntland. Hence the doctors, nurses and other professionals leave from the region. The wards of Erigavo Hospital for instance are homes of the lost and unclaimed goats. Pregnant women die for birth complications and have no opportunity for medical care.  Child mortality is high. The failure of the regional administration causes the death of vulnerable people who are in dire need of help.

Illegal arrests are common and security committee, outlawed by the president, operates in Sanaag in judicial capacity. The governor has the power to order arrest and release on his discretion. He also has the power to sentence someone. These actions are in violation of the constitution of Somaliland. Article 37(2) states “The structure of the state shall consist of three branches which are: the legislative, the executive and the judiciary. The separation of the powers of these branches shall be as set out in the Constitution. Each branch shall exercise independently the exclusive powers accorded to it under the Constitution.” Article 97 of the constitution provides the power of adjudication to the Judiciary Branch. The executive branch has no power what so ever to hear criminal case and issue verdict of conviction or acquittal.

Although Sanaag is part of Somaliland and the constitution is applicable to the country as whole, the citizens of Sanaag are so unfortunate. They are not able to exercise the constitutional rights or to enjoy the constitutional protection.

The illegal arrests, corruption, and clan prowess created chaos and anarchy in poverty-stricken region where aid agencies have little presence because of the security. 

In the east of the region, the mountains called Galgala are safe-haven for al Shabaab terror group. Galgala branch of al Shabaab has waged war on Puntland in many times. Terrorists could expand to the region taking the plight of the people as opportunity.

Al Shabaab is facing military defeats in Somalia. The African troops and the military of the government of Mogadishu are pushing al Shabaab out of the main cities. The mountainous region, of Sanaag is the best option for them. Economically and politically backward, and the people in misery and fed up of clansmen rule and nepotism, Sanaag is place where the terrorists can target to operate freely and establish themselves. Yemen is only the other side of the red sea.

The actions of the regional administration of Sanaag under the helm of the governor are very dangerous and could pose international threat to the world peace. It is such local matters of this kind that has given al Shabaab to revive and flourish in Somalia. It is the responsibility of the central government here in Hargeisa to make sure the worst scenario not to happen. 

Sadex astaamood oo ay wadaagaan Muqdisho iyo gobolka Sanaag

Laga yaabee inaad markaba is waydiiso sidee la isku barbar dhigi karaa gobol ka tirsan Somaliland oo ah dal nabad ah iyo caasimadda Somaliya oo dhawr iyo labaatan sanadood dagaal ka dhex taagnaa. Balse xaqiiqdu waxay tahay in gobolka Sanaag uu astaamo badan la wadaago Xamar.

Kow, waa marka hore e dawlad taag daran baa ka jirta Sanaag si la mid ah Xamar. Dawladnimadu si run ah uma gaadhsiisna Sanaag. Laba, saraakiisha ay dawladdu u diratay Sanaag oo ugu horeeyo badhasaabku waxay u afduuban yihiin qabaa’il. Sidaasdarteed, cidda sida dhabta ah uga talisa Sanaag waa beelo ee maaha dawladda. Waa ta sadexaad e, maadamaa oo anay ka jirin dawlad xoogan iyo nidaam sharciyeed oo shaqaynaya, waxuu hoy u noqday gobolku cadaalad darro. Garsoorka Sanaag, booliiska iyo maamulka gobolku intuba waxay ku suntan yihiin cadaalad darro iyo nidaam xumo.

Sadexdaas arimood ba waxa gobolka Sanaag uu kala siman yahay Muqdisho. Hadaba, su’aashu waxay tahay sadexdaas astaamood maxay tahay natiijada ka dhalataa? Jawaabta waxa si fudud looga eegi karaa nolosha ay ku sugan tahay Muqdisho: dagaalo sokeeye, dil iyo dawlad la’aan. Markaas hadii aan dawladda Somaliland wax ka qaban dhibaatada ka jirta Sanaag waxa aan shaki ku jirin in gobolka u wayn Somaliland ay soo wajihi doonto xaalad aan u roonayn gobolka iyo dalka intiisa kaleba.

Waxan maalmaha soo socda qalinka u qaatay in si taxane ah aan uga hadlo dhibaatooyinka ka jira gobolkaas iyo ashqaasta sida gaarka ah ugu guntay abuuridda nidaam xumo iyo hab siyaasadeed beelaysan. Taas oo ay ku ladhan tahay si xun u isticmaal awoodda dawladda. Ujeedada maqaaladani maaha in lagu waxyeeleeyo ashqaastaas balse waa in lagu hoga tusaaleeyo iyaga dawladda dhexena la tuso xaaladda dhabta ah ee ka jirta halkaas. Waxan sidoo kal filayaa in akhristayaashu ila wadaagi doonaan wixii xog ah ee ay hayaan. 

Jibuuti ma cadowbaa mise saaxiib Somaliland

Waxa ayaamahan war-baahintu tebinaysay inuu xidhan yahay xadka u dhexeeya Somaliland iyo jamhuuriyadda yar ee dhinaca galbeed kaga beegan. Waxay tani keensanaysaa inaynu is waydiino Jibuuti cadow iyo saaxiib midkay u tahay Somaliland. Qoraalkan koobanna midkaas baynu isku dul taagaynaa.

 Dawladda dadkeedu na fara ku tiriska yihiin ee Jibuuti waxa u badan dadka dega Soomaali. Umadda Soomalida ah gaar kuwa Somaliland waxay u gurmadeen Jibuuti markay ku jirtay halgankii xoriyadda. Dadwaynaha Jibuuti iyo dawladoodu umay abaal gudin Somaliland markii sideetanaadkii shacabku kula jireen halganka dawladdi keligii taliska ahayd ee Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Xadka Jibuuti uma furnayn dadka ka cararayay xasuuqii Faqashta. Waxa sidoo kale xusuusta reer Somaliland aan ka go’ayn dadaalkii dawladda Jibuuti u gashay sidii ay u baabiin lahayd jabhadii SNM. Waxay ahayd maalin ka mid ah kuwii ugu qadhaadhaa ee SNM soo mara markii madaxwaynihii Jibuuti Xasan Guuleed uu heshiisiiyay labadii madaxwayne ee Somaliya iyo Ethiopia si loo cidhib tiro jabhadii SNM.

Inkasta oo Jibuuti hagardaamo wayn u geysatay shacabka Somaliland dharaarahaas oo reer Somaliland si wayn ugu baahnaayeen in Jibuuti u hiiliso ama nabad geliso, hadana shacabka Somaliland wax aargoosi ah uma gaysan jamhuuriyadda aan xooga badan lahayn ee Jibuuti. Nasiib darro, Jibuuti weligeed ma joojin cadaawadda qaawan ee ay ku hayso shacabka la dersika ah ee Somaliland. Dawladii Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal way ka warhaysay dibindaabyada Jibuuti. Xidhiidh labada dal ka dhexeeyayna ma jirin. Xadka u dhexeeya Somaliland iyo Jibuutina waxa joogay ciidan aad u badan oo Somaliland leedahay. Waayo Jibuuti waxay ahayd cadow wayn oo  Somaliland leedahay. Waxa marag ah in aaskii Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal wefti Jibuuuti u soo dirtay si ay uga qaybgalaan, dawladda Somaliland diyaaradii siday weftigaas hawada ayay ka celisay.

Markii xukuumadda cusub ee Axmed Siilaanyo timid xukunka Somaliland, dawladda Jibuuti roog cas bay u dhigtay Axmed Siilaanyo. Waxay dad badan ula muuqatay in xidhiidhka labada dal is bedelayo. Balse dadka sida dhow ula socday arimaha waxay hubeen in aan Jibuuti ka toobad keeni doonin kana waantoobi doonin ficiladeeda guracan. Tan danbe ayaa rumooday.

In kasta oo dawladihii isaga soo danbeeyey Somaliland ay iska caabiyi jireen Jibuuti, waxa dhab ah in Jibuuti ay ka gacan sarayso dawladda hada xilka haysa oo jilbaha dhulka u dhigatay cadowga Somaliland.

Waxa intaas dheer in Ismaaciil Cumar Geele, madaxwaynaha Jibuuti, uu ka samaystay Somaliland taageerayaal. Lacagta faraha badan ee Jibuuti ku laaluushto dad badan oo reer Somaliland ah waxay aamusiisay cidii ka hor iman lahayd cadowtinimada Jibuuti. Waxayna si cad saamayn ugu leedahay Jibuuti siyaasiyiin reer Somaliland ah oo muxaafid iyo mucaaradba leh.

Jibuuti waxay mar walba olole uga gashaa fagaarayaasha diblomaasiyadeed sidii aanay Somaliland u helin ictiraaf, xidhiidhka u dhexeeya Somaliland iyo bulshada caalamkuna u xumaado. Nasiibdarro, hadii aad kala garan waydo cadowgaaaga iyo saaxiibkaaga waa masiibo wayn.

Waxan kula talin lahaa shacabka Somaliland in aanay noqon kuwo iloowshiimo dhow oo aan caadifadda iyo indho sarcaadka kuwo Jibuuti ka dhex hadasho aanay ka qarin xaqiiqda dhabta ah. Waana in siyaasiyiinta iska fogeyn waaya cadowga Somaliland shacabku mariyaan abaalka ay xaqa u leeyihiin.

Ku socota dawlada Israel

Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland waxay ku taal cidhifka bari ee u janjeedha badda cas ee wajahaysa dhulka Carabtu degto. Waa gobolka loo yaqaan Geeska Afrika. Dalka Somaliland taariikhdiisu waa mid guun ah oo waayo dheer soo taxnayd dibna ugu noqonaysa kumanana sano ka hor. Gumaystihii Afrika qaybsaday waxa ku soo hagaagay Somaliland boqortooyada midawday (UK) oo mudo ku siman sideetan sano nala joogtay. Inkasta oo aan gumaysiga Afrikada kale aragtay aanan la kulmin hadana xiligaas waxanu ku tirinaa dharaarihii gumaystaha.

Markii gumaysigu ka tegay dhulkayaga 26 June 1960 kii waxannu noqonay dal madaxbanaan oo ka mid ah qaramada xorta ah ee dunida. Intii reer Yurub geyiga Soomaaliyeed joogeen waxa uu dhul Somaliland leedahay uu u gacan geliyay dalka aanu deriska nahay, iminkana isku wanaagsanahay ee Ethiopia. Talaabadaas waxannu ogaanay waa danbe. Cadhadii ka dhalatayna waxay nagu xanbaartay inaanu raadino midnimo Soomaali oo dhan meel kasta oo ay joogto. Sidaasdarteed, shan dharaarood dabeed waxanu ku biirnay Somaliya oo Talyaanigu gumaysan jiray taariikhdu markay ahayd 1 July 1960kii.

Midnimadaasi ma waarin. Iska daa in laga gaadho hiyigii laga lahaayee waxay na baday waxaan qalinku qorin karin. Sidaasawgeed, 18 May 1991 kii ayaanu go’aansanay inaanu dib u soo ceshono dawladnimadii aanu kula midownay Soomaaliya. Tan iyo waagaas waxanu u heelanayn sidii aanu dunida ugu qancin lahayn inay ictiraafto qaranimadayada.

Waxannu leenahay dhul  xuduudiisu la da’ tahay Afrikada kale. Dadku waa joogto oo dhulka iyo dadka waa la isku yaqaan. Dawlad baanu leenahay aanu dooranno. Sidoo kale awoodda dawladu waa mid gaadhsiisan inay cid kale heshiis la gasho. Sidaasdarteed, shuruudiihii xeerarka caalamiga ah waanu buuxinay muran la’aan. Sidoo kale waxannu leenahay calan qurux badan oo noo gaar ah, lacagtayada oo ka duwan tii dalkii hore iyo ciidamo xoogan oo difaaci kara xadkooda, gacanna siin kara ciddi nala saaxiib ah ee cadow weeraro.

Dalkii aanu midnimada la galnay, Somalia, warkiisa waa haysaan oo dawladina kama jirto waana hoyga argagixisada Afrika iyada oo la saadaalinayo in xitaa Al Qaacidada Afgaanistaan joogtaa inay u soo cararto.

Cadowga noogu wayn ee qaranimadayada hortaagani waa wadamada Carbeed oo aanu diinna wadaagno derisna nahay. Geed dheer iyo mid gaaban waxay u fuuleen hagardaamadayada. Lacag badan bay haystaaan galaan galkooda diblomaasiyadeedna naga xoog wayn annaga.

Waxan warka ku hayaa inay idinka dhib badan idinku hayaan. Waxay markaas iila muuqatay inaynu leenahay cadow guud. Sidaasdarteed, waxa ila haboonaatay inaan idinka codsado inaad na ictiraaftaan. Waxannu nahay Qaran abaalka loo galo guda, cadawgiisana ka aarsada. Waxa odayadu ii sheegeen in ka hor dhibta Falastiin in Yuhuud badani joogtay Somaliland oo ganacsi ku lahayd. Markaas taariikhdaas waa soo celin karnaa. Laga yaabee inaad is waydiiso ma dal Muslim ah ayaa gargaar waydiisanaya Israel. Balse aan ku xusuusiyo in Yuhuuda iyo Kiristanku u siman yihiin Muslimiinta.

Mahad sanidin

Laas Geel: Taariikh iyo xadaarad guun ah

Ma yara inta jeer ee aan maqlay Laas Gee ama arkay sawir laga soo qaaday halkaas. Balse fekerka aan ka haystay iyo waxa aan ku arkay markaan booqday 21/3/2014 waxay ahayd laba aad u kala taggan. Inkasta oo safarkaygu ahaa socdaal shaqo oo ku jihaysan gobolka Saaxil, hadana waxannu sii marnay Laas Geel.

Laas-Geel maaha hal god oo uu ku sawiran yahay mid, laba ama sadex sawir. Waa godad badan oo ay ku xardhan yihiin sawiro aad u tiro badan oo  muuujinaya xadaarad la yaab leh, taariikh guun ah iyo umad halkaas degenayd waa dheer. Godadku waa hoy, sawirada lagu qorayna waxay u eegyihiin in loogu talo galay in lagu qurxiyo guryaha. Maxaa ku sawiran halkaas maxaase laga baran karaa? Goobtaas waxa ku sawiran dad, lo, eey iyo xayawaan kale. Waxa sawiradaasi goobtaas ku yaaleen kumanaan sano mase baabin. Ilaa hada waxa la garan la’ yahay waxa uu ka samaysan yahay ranjiga lagu qoray halkaas ee weli baabi la. Waa heer aan weli dunidan casriga ahi gaadhin.

Tusaale ahaan waxa Daa’uud oo u madax ah ragga ilaaliya goobta, uu noo sharaxay dhawr sawir oo ay ka mid yihiin boqorkii dadkaas. Boqorku wuxuu lahaa guri u gaar ah oo ka qurux badan kuwa kale. Gurigaas waxa dhamaantiisa marsan midab casaan ah oo qurux badan. Waxa ku yaal kursigii uu fadhiisan jiray. Sidoo kale waxa goobta ku yaal goobtii shirarka ee ay isugu iman jireen dadku si ay ugu tashadaan. Waxa intaas dheer meeshii ii ay ka ilaalin jireen aagga oo leh diiraddii waxa dhow iyo waxa fog lagu eego. Waa xadaarad is-huwan oo aanay fududayn in si dhib yar loo sharaxo.

Waxa arin lala yaabo ah in inta badan dadka ku sawiran halkaas ay wataan eey. Sidoo kale si ay anshaxa u ilaaliyaan dumarka waxay sawireen qaarka sare oo keliya.

Dadka goobta ku sawirani waxay xidhan yihiin surwaalo iyo shaadhadh. Goobta waxa aad ugu badan lo’da taas oo lagu micneeyey inay dhaqan jireen islamarkaana caabudi jireen lo’da. Taas waxa sii xoojinaysa in qof kasta oo goobta ku sawirani uu gacmaha kor u taagayo isaga oo hoos jooga sac. Halka qaarna ay ku nuugayaan naasaha saca wax u eeg tuubo. 

Dabcan turjumaadda laga sameeyey sawirada goobtaasi maaha oo keliya mid kala dhiman ee ma jirto cid si wayn isugu xil qaantay. Sidaasdarteeed, inkasta oo la helay sawiradaas, hadana wax wayni isma bedelin waayo wax tamar ah lama gelin.

Mid ka mid ah sababaha ugu wayn ee ay ku badbaadeen sawiradaasi waxay tahay in dadka degaanku aaminsanaayeen in meesha Jin degen yahay sidaasdarteed may tegi jiran umana ogolaan jirin in caruurtoodu u dhowaato. Beryihii horena dadku marka ay soo degaan meel ku dhow waxay qali jireen xoolo iyaga oo xagga godadka u saydhi jiray dhiig iyaga oo leh “beloy naga baydh”. Taasi waxay keentay in godadkaasi ka badbaadan farafarayn aadane. Basle cimilada iyo xayawaankuba may dayn oo wax yeelo aan yarayn ayay u gaysteen.

Maanta oo goobtaas qiimaha ay leedahay la ogodaay waxba kuma soo kordhin in la ilaaliyo. Daadka iyo ciiduba sidii hore ayay ugu yihiin khatar. Dawladu wax xil ah iskama saarin inay ilaaliso xadaaradaas kor u qaadaysa taariikhda iyo qiimaha dalkeena iyo Afrika oo dhan. Hadii la yasayey Afrika, waxa godadka Laas Geel soo faqeen xadaarad aad uga da’ wayn kuwo badan oo dunida lagu buun buuniyo. Waxay markaas ahayd in miisaaniyad loo qoondeeyo oo la ilaaliyo iyo in laga shaqeeyo sidii cilmi baadhis inta ka badan loogu sameeyo goobtaas.

Hadii markaas dawladii dayacday, macneheedu maaha in aan xal loo helayn. Balse wax yar oo muwaadiniinta reer Soomaaliland isa saaraan ayaa ilaalin karaa xadaaradda ugu da’da wayn ee ilaa hadda aynu hayno. Waa hubaal inay jiraan goobo kale oo badan oo dalka intiisa kale ku yaal oo aan weli la ogaan ama la baadhin.

Qoraalkaygan kooban uguma dan lahayn inaan ku sharaxo qiimaha iyo qaayahay Laas Geel balse, waxan rabaa inaan ku soo jeediyo dareenkiina in xadaaradaas ilaalinteedu inooga baahan tahay gacan hadii kale aay qarka u saaran tahay in dabeecaddii ay u soo adkaysatay kumaananka sano inay baabiiso inaga oo ka hanti iyo aqoon badan intii hore. Waana hubaal inay midaas ceeb inagu tahay. Xusuusnow hadii godadkaasi ku ooli laheeyeen dal kale ama qaarad kale ba in si wayn loo buun buunin lahaa.

Sidaasadarteed, waxan soo jeedinayaa:

1.      In loo uruuriyo xooga lacag ah oo lagaga ilaaliyo cimilada

2.      In loo ololeeyo sidii loogu dari lahaa goobaha taariikhiga ah ee UNESCO ilaaliso

Falaqayn qaybta afraad farqadda 9aad ee war-murtiyeedka Istanbuul

Waxan si kooban isu dul taagayaa qaybta afraad farqadda 9aad ee qoraalka ay ka soo wada saareen labada ergo ee Somaliland iyo Somalia. Farqadaasi waxay u qoran tahay sidan (nuqulka Ingirisiga ah oo ka asalka ah):  

“We share the pain inflicted upon the Somali people by the military regime in Somalia before the year 1991. We condemn all the atrocities committed by that regime throughout all Somali people particularly the people in Somaliland.”

Qaybta hore waxa lagu bilaabay “ Waxanu wadaagnaa xanuunka soo gaadhay dadka Soomaaliyeed ee uu u gaystay nidaamkii ciidanka ahaa ka hor sanadkii 1991.”

 Tani waxa ka soo baxay laba arimood:

1.      Labada dhinac si isku mid ah ayay u wadaagaan xanuunka. Taas oo macneheedu yahay in ay u siman yihiin oo aanay ahayn mid wax dulmay iyo mid la dulmay.

2.      In cidda wax geysatay ay tahay nidaam (regime) ay ka wada tirsanaayeen dad reer Somaliland ah iyo dad reer Somalia ah labadaba. Sidaas darteed, waxay ka saaray meesha in reer Somaliyi iyagu geeysteen layntaas.

 Qaybta danbe waxay u dhigan tahay “Waxanu canbaaraynaynaa dhamaan atrocities (xagga danbe ayaan ku sharixi ereygane) uu ka galay nidaamkaasi dhamaan dadka Soomaalida ah oo dhan gaar ahaan dadka ku nool Somaliland.” Tan waxa ka soo baxay afar arimood;

1.      Labada dhinac si siman ayay u canbaareeyeen taas oo macneheedu yahay maaha qiraal ay Somalia qiratay qalad ay iyagu sameeyeen.

2.      Atrocities: ereygan waxa weftigu u turjumeen “Cadawtinimo”. Kama foga miche ahaan. Atrocity waa erey aan loo isticmaalin xeeraka caalamiga ah. Ma laha wax saamayn sharci ah. Cida lagu eedeeyo atrocity macneheedu maaha inay ku geftay qodob sharci oo xeerarka caalamig ah. Ta u muhiimsan ee Somaliyi u doorbiday ereyganina waa si ay uga cararto ereyada muujinaya dembi dhacay sida xasuuq, layn, dembi dagaal IWM, kuwaas oo isticmaalkood keeni lahaa saamayn sharci.

3.      Ta u darani waa in la sheegay in waxyeeladaas loo gaystay guud ahaan dadka Soomalida ah. Hadalkaas oo ahaa mid ay weligeedba isticmaali jireen siyaasiyiinta Soomaaliya oo ku dooda in dhibta Somaliland sheeganaysaa ay tahay mid ay wada qabeen dadka Soomalida ahi oo aanay jirin wax si gaar ah loogu geeystay. Ereyga gaar ahaan (particularly) waxay u noqonay canbaaraynta oo waxa micneheedu yahay waxanu si gaar ah u canbaaraynaynaa cadawtinimada loo gaystay dadka ku nool Somaliland ee maaha micneheedu cadawtinimada gaarka ah ee loo gaystay Somaliland.

4.      In Somaliland: oo ah ta u danbaysa waxay ku tahay Somaliland yasid wayn. Waxay u dhigan tahay dadka Soomaaliyeed ee ku nool Somaliland. Lama isticmaalin particularly the people of Somaliland.  

Gebogebo

Farqadan 9aad waxa ka soo baxaya laba arimood;

1.      In Somaliland aay ku raacday Soomaliya inaanay jirin dhibaato gaar u soo gaadhay Somaliland balse dhibtu tahay aafo guud oo dadka Soomliyeed si isku mid ah u soo gaadhay oo ya tahay in markaas si isku mid ah loo canbaareeyo oo bartaas lagu dhaafo

2.      In wax denbi ahi dhicin waayo waxan la isticmaalin ereyada muujinaya in dembi dhacay.  

Human Rights Center releases report to celebrate the Human Rights Day 2013

Human Rights Center  in Hargeisa released human rights report to celebrate the 10^th December, the Human Rights Day. The 25 pages report covers the situation of the social, political, economic, cultural and civil rights in Somaliland. The report is result of data collection conducted by the Center’s researchers. Below link is the complete report.

http://somalilandpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/Report2013.pdf

Here is the summary and the recommendations of the report titled “The Chained Constitution”. 

 Somaliland was a British protectorate from 1884 to 26^th June 1960. Somaliland amalgamated with Somalia without any condition on 1^st July 1960.  This political intermarriage aborted and finally led to a civil war, which caused the collapse of the state of Somali Republic. Finally, Somaliland declared unilaterally its independence from Somalia in 1991.

 Somaliland’s post conflict reconstruction was led by the traditional elders who successfully built a functioning government. Somaliland receives little support from the outside world. This gave the Somalilanders a potential strength to rely on what they do have rather than waiting aid. Business flourished with the peace and social institutions were reinstated. Thanks to the Diaspora support that remit money to families and friends, small businesses were started. 

The traditional structured government was transformed into a democratic system of governance after constitution was approved in 2001.  In a period of ten years (from 2002 to 2012), Somaliland peacefully held five elections. But, these elections were shrouded by irregularities. 

The last municipality election held in 2012 caused bloodshed during the Election Day and after the National Electoral Commission declared the results. The peaceful demonstrations organized by the lost Xaqsoor party were cracked down by the government. Excessive multiple voting and ballot staffing were reported.

Constant postponement of elections and extensions of terms have dragged the democratic system into uncertainty and hopelessness. No election was ever held on schedule.

 Somaliland adopts presidential system of government whereby the constitution clearly establishes separation of power between the executive, the legislative and the judiciary. But, the judiciary does not enjoy the independence and the impartiality guaranteed by the constitution. 

Violations of the freedom of expression and the independence of the media have increased in Somaliland. In this year 16 journalists were arrested. The headquarters of Hubaal newspaper was attacked by one Policeman and unidentified man. The manager of the paper was injured. Weeks after the attack, court suspended the newspaper and sentenced the editor and the manager of Hubaal newspaper. They were later released on presidential pardon. Journalists are constantly harassed by the authorities and some of them were beaten up by the Police.

Freedom of expression is a fundamental right granted by the international human rights law and the constitution of Somaliland.

The government of Somaliland refuses to grant license for radio stations. The only radio station based in Somaliland is the government owned Radio Hargeisa.

Demonstrations are not allowed in Somaliland except the government supported demonstrations and campaign rallies. The Police deal heavy handedly with the demonstrations and use live ammunitions. The Public Order Law is applied which gives the Ministry of Interior and the regional and district authorities the power to refuse demonstrations.

 Illegal detention and arrest are very common in Somaliland. Somaliland Police enjoy impunity. The civilian courts cannot hear any case against Police member.

The judiciary failed to protect the human liberty and the Police are accountable to no one.  Searches and seizures are not sought for warrants as obliged by the constitution, but the Police carry out without court warrant.

The recently established special Police unit, Rush Reaction Unit (RRU) which receives support from UK, employs intimidating means and gives no respect the legal procedure. They raid houses, search and seize property without court warrant and arrests people without warrant.

The constitution guarantees equality irrespective of gender. But, the role of the women in the politics is very low. There is only one female member of the parliament whose members are 164. There are three female ministers in the forty above ministers. There is no single female judge. The director generals and the heads of the administrative institutions are all male. The Parliament refused to pass proposed quota for women in the Lower House of the Parliament and the Local Councilors.

Rape and other sexual abuses increased this year according to the data collected in Hargeisa. Rape is the least reported offence, and those victims who dare to report face the challenge posed by the clan elders who interfere in the prosecution and arrange blood compensation. 

Women also face discrimination in the employment of the private sector, particularly the business entities. Women do not have equal opportunity with their male counterparts at the private sector. Many conservative male employers discriminate women in the recruitment of female candidates.  

 Girls drop out the schools in early age as parents prefer boys and the hard house work assigned for girls alone downgraded their scholastic performance. 

 Somaliland hosts refugees whom most of them fled from the neighboring Ethiopia. The process of registering the asylum seekers takes long time. Most of the Ethiopians work in low paid jobs with no protection. Refugee children work under harsh conditions. The principle of non-refoulement is not observed. Human Rights Center received complaints of Ethiopians repatriated forcefully back to their country where they could face threat.

Internally displaced persons are the most vulnerable people who receive little attention. Government services are very limited in the IDPs centers. Crimes, water shortages, poor sanitation, inadequate health facilities and the lack of enough educational centers live with the IDPs. As poor and less educated, the IDPs are not strong people who can advocate for their causes.

Traditional health center known as “Cilaaj” pose very serious threat to both the health and the liberty of the people. “Cilaaji” centers are money oriented centers that most of them are not registered and are managed by uneducated people. The government has neither strategy nor the necessary protection to cope this threat. As they gain more money from their clients, the lobby of the “Cilaaj” centers is very strong. The poor quality of the mental health centers provides opportunity the “Cilaaji” centers to attract many clients.

It is the responsibility of the government to safeguard and protect the rights of the child. Street children are harassed, harmed and live in misery. The children from poor families, particularly from IDPs and refugees, work in harsh conditions. The justice sector does not properly observe the Juvenile Justice Law. Juveniles are prosecuted as adults and are imprisoned with adults.   

 

Recommendations

 

To the government:

·         Change the electoral laws to meet the international standards of democratic societies and conduct free, fair and genuine elections;

·         Abandon the unnecessary postponement of elections and hold the elections periodically;

·         Conduct voters registration which is authentic and gives all the eligible citizens equal opportunity to register;

·         The illiteracy of the citizens shall be considered in the electoral process;

·         The state media shall be open for all the political parties egalitarian manner;

·         Make sure the state funds are not used in the election campaigns;

·         The government employees shall not take part in the political campaigns;

·         The rights granted by the constitution shall be promoted, protected and fulfilled;

·         Grant permits for radio stations based in Somaliland;

·         Protect and promote the rights of the journalisms;

·         Ensure the safety and the liberty of journalists;

·         Immediately prosecute the attackers of Hubaal newspaper; 

·         Change the laws of former regimes including the Penal Code and Criminal Procedure Code;

·         Amend the Public Order Law and repeal all the provisions that are inconsistent with the constitution and the international human rights standards;

·         Do not forcefully return the refugees and the asylums seekers to their countries or anywhere else;

·         Take all the necessary measures to uphold the independence and the impartiality of the judiciary, and publicly affirm the independence of the judiciary from the Ministry of Justice;

·         Reform Somaliland Police to establish a Police that protects the fundamental freedoms and rights guaranteed by the constitution and the international human rights laws;

·         Immediately end the impunity of the Police;

·         Eliminate all barriers against women’s participation in the politics;

·         End discrimination against women in all fields including employment and politics;

·         Provide the girls legal protection from school drop outs;

·         Outlaw clan elders interference in the prosecution of the rape cases;

·         Support the victims of rape;

·         Create strategy that protects the girls and women from rape and other sexual offences;

·         Enact law that gives women legal protection from domestic violence;

·         Take the responsibility of safeguarding the rights of the child, and take the necessary measures to protect the rights of the child;

·         Stop child labor and practice the best interest of the child;

·         Establish child care centers for street children;

·         Immediately eliminate all forms of discrimination at the work places and discriminatory employee selection;

·         Amend the Labor Law to meet the international standards;

·         Review the traditional psychosocial center to make sure the people are not harmed and their basic rights are not violated;

·         Extend support the IDPs and provide legal protection;

·         Provide assistance the IDPs by providing the basic needs and protection.

To the Parliament:

·         Pass the introduced quota for women;

Pass electoral laws for the both houses of the Parliament.