Falaqayn Sharci: Muranka UCID iyo Jamaal Cali Xuseen

Waxa beryahan soo xoogaystay muran sharci oo ku saabsan in Jamaal Cali Xuseen uu u yahay murashax Xisbiga UCID iyo in kale. Qoraalkan kooban waxaan ku eegi doonaa dhinaca sharci ee muranka.  

 Waxa haboon in la is xasuusiyo in arinkani ku lug leeyahay dhacdooyin isdaba joogay oo ku sal lahaa is-faham ay wada gaadheen UCID iyo xubno ka tirsanaan jiray Xisbigii dhintay ee UDUB. Xubnaha UDUB oo uu hoogaaminayay Jamaal Cali Xuseen waxay la galeen UCID is-faham dhawr arimood taabanayey. Is-af garadka dhex maray dhinacyadu wuxuu taabtay tirada xubnaha Golaha Dhexe, xubno cusub oo ku soo biiray Golaha Fulinta iyo cidda murashax u noqonaysa UCID. Sadexdaas arimkood mid kasta oo ka mid ah si cad oo aan mad madow ku jirin ayuu uga hadlayaa Xeerka UCID.

Waxa waajib ahayd in is bedelka ku duugan is- afagaradka la waafijiyo xeerka xisbiga si uu u noqdo dhaqangal iyo mid waajib ku ah xisbiga inuu fuliyo. Is-faham kasta oo dhinacyadu wada galaan sharciyan maaha mid ay tahay waajib in la fuliyo (legally binding). Sidaasdarteed, heshiiska leh micnaha ama saamaynta siyasadeed iyo bulsho (gentleman’s agreement), iskii uma noqdo sharci ahaan mid la qaadan karo. Hadaba, markii dhinacyadu is-fahmeen waxay ahayd in la qaado talaabooyinkan soo socda:

Sida ku cad qodobka 37 ee Xeerka Xisbiga, Gudida Fulinta ee xisbigu waxay ahayd inay soo jeediyaan wax ka bedel lagu sameeyo Xeerka Xisbiga iyaga oo u gudbinaya Golaha Dhexe ee Xisbiga oo awood u leh in uu ku ogolaado 1/3 xubnaha Golaha Dhexe. Hadii Golaha Dhexe ogolaado waa in loo gudbiyaa shirwaynaha Xisbiga oo awood u leh inuu yeelo ama diido wax ka bedelkaas. Waxana uu ansax noqon karaa wax-ka-bedel ama kaabsitu marka shirwaynuhu ansixiyo. Sababta wax ka bedelka loogu baahnaa waxay ahayd in sharci laga dhigo is-fahamka oo ka soo horjeeday Xeerka Xisbiga.

Sida ku cad qodobka 12 ee xeerka Xisbiga shirwayne aan caadi ahayn waxa soo jeedin kara Gudida Fulinta ama 1/3 xubnaha Golaha Dhexe, waxana Golaha Dhexe ku ansixinayaa 2/3 xubnaha Golaha Dhexe ee kal fadhiga joogta. Taas oo macneheedu yahay 2/3 xubnaha Golaha dhexe ayaa isugu yeedhi karaa Shirwayne aan caadi ahayn. Gudida Fulinta ayaa marka ay hesho go’aanka Golaha dhexe ku ansixiyey shirwayne aan caadi ahayn waxay 20 maalmood gudoohood ku qabanay shirwaynaha aan caadiga ahayn. Wax ka bedelkii ay soo jeediyaan Gudida Fulintu ee ay ansixiyaan Golaha Dhexe ayaa loo gudbinayaa Shirwaynaha.

Heshiiska dhinacaydu gaadheen wuxuu dhaqangal noqonayaa marka uu maro wadadaaas ee uu ka soo bilaabmo Golaha Fulinta ee uu ku dhamaado Shirwayanaha Xisbiga. Balse talaabooyinkaas sharci lama qaadin. Ma jirin habayaratee wax ka bedel uu soo jeediyay Golaha Fulinta oo loo gudbiyay Golaha Dhexe oo u sii gudiyay Shirwayne aan caadi ahayn. Lama ba qaban shirwaynihii UCID kadib 4 ilaa 5tii January 2012 oo ahayd markii uu qabsaday shirwaynihiisii caadiga ahaa. Waqtigaas oo ka horaysay ku soo biirtaanka xubnaha UDUB.

Tusaale ahaan xubnaha UDUB ka soo guuray si ay u noqdaan xubno rasmi ah oo ka tirsan Golaha Dhexe waxay ahayd in la qabto shirwayne aan caadi ahayn oo lagu ansixiyo. Kadib ayaa loo magacaabi karaa xilal. Sida muuqata xubnaha UDUB iyaga oo aan akhrisasn Xeerk Xisbiga ayay talaabooyinka qaadeen.

Ka mid noqoshada Gudida Fulinta iyo Golaha Dhexe

 Qof kasta oo aan ku jirin Golihi Dhexe ee la doortay shirwaynihii u danbeeyey (oo ka horeeyey xubnaha UDUB) ee loo magacaabay Gudida Fulinta waa waxba kama jiraan xilalkaas loo magacabay. Si ay u noqdaan ansax waxay ahayd in in la qaado talaaboyinkan:

i.                    In lagu daro liiska xubnaha Golaha Dhexe ee shirwaynaha aan caadiga ahayn lagu doorto sida ku cad qodobka 18 ee xeerka

ii.                  Markay soo galaan xubnaha Golaha Dhexe ayaa loo magacabi kartaa Gudida Fulinta

Qof aan kaba tirsanayn Golaha Dhexe ma noqon karo xubin Gudida Fulinta ah. Golaha Dhexena waxa doorta Shirwayne. Shirwaynana lamaba qaban tan iyo markii xubnaha UDUB soo guureen.

Madaxweyne iyo ku xigeen

 Jagada Madaxweyne iyo ku-xigeen waxa sharixi kara Xisbi ka gudbay doorashada Deegaanka. Qaabka Ucid u marayana waxa uu ku dhigan yahay qodobada 27 iyo 28 ee Xeerka Xisbiga. Waxa xusid mudan in xubanah Golaha Dhexe ee dooranaya murashaxiiintu ay marka hore yihiin kuwo sharci ah oo uu doortay Shirwayne. Taas oo macneheedu yahay in Gole Dhexe oo ay fadhiyaan xubnihii UDUB ka soo guuray aanu ahayn sharci waayo waxa Gole Dhexe dooran kara oo keliya Shirwayne. Sidoo kale soo bandhigidda murashaxnimadu waa arin mar walba u yaal Golaha Dhexe oo markii uu doono cidii uu doono ka dhigi kara ama ka noqon kara. Sidaasdarteed maaha arin sharci ahaan kakan oo mad madow ku jiro, inkasta oo ay siyaasad ahaan ka duwanaan karto. Marka la eego Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Axaabta Siyaasada, Xisbiga Kulmiye keliya ayaa leh murashax madaxwayne (UCID iyo Waddani weli ma laha).

Xubnaha Urur/Xisbi ka soo guura

Sida ku cad qodobka 9(5) ee Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Asxaabta iyo qodobka 5(7) ee Xeerka Xisbiga, waa in qofkii ka soo guura xisbi/urur kale uu iscasilaadiisa u gudbiyaa xisbiga/ururka uu hore uga tirsanaa. Kadibna soo codsadaa xubinimada Xisbiga/ururka uu ku biiray.

Guleid Ahmed Jama

Blog: http://www.guleidjama.blogspot.com/

https://www.facebook.com/guleidahmedjama/

Twitter: GuliedJ

Guleid waa qareen ka hawlgala maxkamadaha Somaliland islamarkaana falanqeeya arimaha sharci iyo siyasadeed oo ka tirsan Xarunta Daraasadka Siyaasadda (Centre for Policy Analysis). Guleid wuxuu ka mid ahaa xubno qareeno ah ee dib u eegis ku sameeyey Xeerka UCID sanadkii 2012. Qoraalkani waa aragtidiisa shaqsiga ah kumana metelo cidna.

Wankii danbaabay: yaa qof ah?

  Waxa wargeyska Warsugan baahiyay muuqaal (video) muujinaya wan ku xidhan rug booliis ku taal Hargeysa. Waxa wanka loo haystaa inuu hirdi ku dilay wan kale.

Xeer ahaan waxa jira cid masuuliyad qaadda oo dembi loo raaco iyo cid aan qaadin. Si taas loo helo  aragtida cilmiyeed ee fiqiga sharciga (jurisprudence) oo ah falsafadda qaanuunka waxay mudo aad u dheer ka hor deristay in la qeexo qof si uu u yeesho xuquuq una qaado masuuliyado.

Inkasta oo dusha sare qofka caadiga ah ay ugu muuqato sheeko sahlan, hadana marka hoos loogu daadego waa shay kakan. Waxa qof loo kala abla-ableeyey laba: qof dabiici ah (banii aadam) iyo qof qaanuuneed (artificial person). Tan danbe waxa la siiyay shirkadaha, ururada, hay’adaha dawladeed iwm si ay fursad ugu helaan inay sharciga hortiisa wax ku raadsan karaan waxna lagaga qaadi karo. Haseyeesheee, qofnimada qofka qaanuuneed waa mid aan buuxin oo leh xanibaado cayiman oo dhawra ah iyo dhinaansho.

Qofka dabiiciga ah laftiisa waxa jira duruufo iyo xaalado kala duwan oo ka qaada culayska qofnimo ahaan u saaran, sida xanuunka maskaxda ama sebinimada.

Iska daa fuqahada iyo dadka cilmiga sharciga bartay e, dadka caadiga ahi marna kuma doodin mana raadsan in xayawaanka dusha laga saaro culays la mid ah ka dadka. Haayo ma yeedhaanku garaad ma leh iyo garasho. Garaadku waa nimco wayn oo aadanuhu kaga duwan yahay noolaha kale ee dunida la jooga. Galladaasi waxay dusha ka saartay masuuliyad iyo culays in loo raaco wuxuu gaysto.

In xoolaha laga mid dhigo dadka waxay ka dhigan tahay in hoos loo celiyay qofnimada iyo karaamada dadka. Waayo xooluhu ma gaadhin mana gaadhi doonaan heer dadnimo, balse dadka ayaa mararka qaar hoos ugu dhaca heer xayawaanimo. 

Berberi waa ilbax

Berberi waa magac dheer oo astaan u ah jiritaanka iyo taariikhda dadka Soomaalida ah guud ahaan. Waa magaalo u ahayd hormood ilbaxnimada Geeska Afrika iyo dadyowga ku nool, gaar ahaan Soomaalida.

Ka sokow waayahay dheer iyo magac samida, Berbera-da casriga ah ee hada jirtaa waa magaalo ay weli ka jirto ilbaxnimo iyo aqoon. Waa magaalo ay degen yihiin dad aad u kala duwan oo ka soo jeeda guud ahaan gobolada Somaliland, dhulka Soomaalid degto iyo dunida oo dhan. Maadaama oo ay tahay magaalo leh marso wayn, waxa jooga dad badan oo shaqo tag u yimi iyo kuwo ganacsi ku leh. Dadka ku dhaqan ama kuwa sida ku meel gaadhka ah u joogaa, waxay barteen kala duwanaanshaha dhaqan, af, duunyo iyo diin.

Sanad walba waxa yimaada dad tiro badan. Dadka reer Berbera qaar badan oo ka mid ahi waxay ku hadlaan dhawr luqadood (heerkay doonaan ha ka gaadheene).

Hodontinimada caynkaasi ahi waxay ka dhigtay Berbera meel aad uga duwan dalka intiisa kale.

Berbera dadkeedu waa aamin. Hadii aanad hore u maqal, Berbera la iskuma xado oo tuug lagama baqo. Waa dad wada noolaanshuhu gaadhay heer ay is nabad geliyeen oo aanay is boobin.

Berbera waxa ka hiilisay cimilada. Waa dhul aad u kulul oo ay adag tahay in lagu noolaado. Hadii Eebe qaboojin lahaa, waxaan qabaa inay iyadu maanta noqon lahayd caasimadda Somaliland.

Berberi waa isha lacagta u badani ka soo gasho dawladda Somaliland. Sidaas oo ay tahay adeegyo gaar ah loogama qoondeeyo miisaaniyadda si loola tacaalo dhibaatada ay ku keentay cimiladu.

Hadana Berberi ma cabasho badna.

Anigu reer Berbera ma ahi oo ha u qaadan inaan magaaladaydii kuu xayaysiinayo, balse afar bilood oo aan ka shaqaynayey waxaan ku bartay in yar oo ka mid ah siraha ku duugan magaaladaas faca wayn ee taariikhiga ah.

Guleid Ahmed Jama

Hargeisa Somaliland 

Iran and Saudi diplomatic dispute expands to the Horn of Africa

 Diplomatic tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran escalated after allies of Saudi Arabia severed their diplomatic relations with Iran. Bahrain, Kuwait and UAE either cut or downgraded their diplomatic ties with Iran.  

Saudi-Iran diplomatic crisis erupted when the Saudi Kingdom executed prominent Shia clerk, Nimr al Nimr, along with other people. Anxious demonstrators burned Saudi embassy in Tehran. Saudi royal family decided to cut already crippling relations with its main rival in the Middle East.

Three Horn of African Sunni countries, Djibouti, Sudan and Somalia, followed Saudi Arabia’s attempt to isolate and deter Iran. This crisis is knitting together two longstanding instabilities. Why Horn of African countries want to interfere in the Middle Eastern problem while they have enough headache in the region?

The three governments share lack of political legitimacy and growing Salafi influence. Advancement of Salafi ideology in the region along with Saudi money strengthened Saudi say in this poor, conflict ridden and highly troubled region. Since early 1980s, Salafi teaching has been spreading and intensifying in the Horn of Africa, particularly in Somali inhabited areas. Now, Salafism is the main religious group among the urban Somali speaking people in the region. Thus this new development is a sign of a long cultivated and deeply rooted Saudi influence.  

Both Somalia and Sudan are controlled by governments who are in one way or another based on religious ideology. The tiny, but strategic, country of Djibouti leadership has internal and growing opposition movement challenging president Guelleh who extended his presidential term limit to stay indefinitely. The new development in Djibouti questioned president Guelleh’s long closeness to the West. 

 In Somalia, Islamists insurgents are fighting weak Somalian government supported by African peacekeeping mission. The presence of violent Salafi Jihadi militia in the country created a religious based political spectrum. The Somalia government led by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamed, a man believed to be a member of a religious group called Damul Jadid, is closely allied with Saudi Arabia in a way that Somalia, despite its lack of any viable diplomatic influence, echoes any diplomatic announcement Saudi Arabia makes.

For instance, Somalia issued on March 2015 a statement denouncing Sweden on its dispute with Saudi Arabia over Sweden’s criticism of the kingdom’s human rights record. Many Somalis do not forget Saudi treatment of Somali refugees. The military oppression in 1970s and 1980s, and the subsequent civil war forced many Somalis to flee from their country. Saudi Arabia up to now forcefully returns the Somali refugees back to dangerous places. Many Somalis languish in Saudi prisons and many more are exploited.  In contrast, Sweden welcomes Somali refugees and provides humanitarian aid to Somaliland and Somalia.  

Somalia in this month arrested Iranians allegedly spreading Shia in Somalia. Somalia is in profound religious based war and dragged, almost endless, bloodshed. Adding this flame into sectarian row is unwise choice.

Somalia, Djibouti, Sudan and Somaliland also supported Saudi-led intervention in Yemen. The support of the Saudi-led coalition strikes against Yemen has changed the security dynamics. Influx of refugees added the economy of the region new burden. But in security wise, it is a concern that the insecurity of Yemen will lead to enhanced ties between al Qaida in Horn of Africa and that in the Arab Peninsula. Furthermore, Yemen hosts hundreds of thousands of Somali refugees who fled the civil war. The bombs in Yemen already costed the lives of Somali refugees, and displaced others within Yemen and beyond. Thousands returned to the region.

The ill-advised decisions of the governments in the region are partly caused by Salafi/Wahabi influence. The alliance between the Saudi royal family and the Salafists who are nowadays strong religious authority in Somalia and Somaliland are turning these countries into Saudi puppets. Contrary to long held policy, Somaliland has backed the bloody Saudi intervention in Yemen. Religious leaders linked to Saudi Arabia held in Somaliland series of religious deliberations demonizing Iran and Shia sect, although there is no Shia community in Somaliland.  

Guleid Ahmed Jama

LL.B, PGDip, MA

Centre for Policy Analysis, Hargeisa Somaliland 

Xuquuqda insaanka iyo Islaamka

Cududadda wayn iyo horumarka aduunyo ee ay haystaan wadamada magac ahaan la isugu urursho reer galbeed (western countries), waxaay keentay in dad badan oo ku noo dunida kale ay si dadban ama toos ah u dabo galaan ama uga dhigtaan minqiyaaska nolosho oo dhan dadka reer galbeedka ah. Marin habowga caynkaas ahi wuxuu si gaar ah ula degay horumarkii ay gaadhi lahaayeen dawladaha Afrikaanka ah. Aragtida caan baxday ee loo yaqaan casiriyeenta (modernity) waxay tilmaantaa in si dal u horumaro ay tahay inuu taako taako ugu daydo reer galbeedka. Ku dayashadaasi maaha oo keliya midka dhaqaale ama cilmi ee sidoo kale waa qaadashada dhaqanka reer galbeedka; sida cuntada, dhar xidhashada, heesaha la dhegaysto iwm.

Doodaha diidan aragtidan oo iyaga laftoodu kala jaad ah dartood ujeedaydu maaha inaan qoraalkan gaaban ku gorfeeyo aragtiyahaas cilmiyeed  ee salka balaadhan. Ku dayashada reer galbeedku maaha dhamaanteed mid qofku si toos ah uga war hayo inta badan. Dad baa si dadban uga daba dhacay reer galbeedka hadana aan is ogayn. Ceebi kuma jirto waana wax lagu talin karo in horumarka dhaqaale iyo aqooneed laga faa’iidaysto sida reer galbeedkuba uga fa’iidaysto aqoonta umadaha kale.

Ceebtu waxay tahay in qofku ku indho beelo reer galbeedka oo qaaysta noloshiisu noqoto reer galbeed. Waxa la yidhi nin indho la’ ayaa hal maalin wax arkay. Maalintaas waxa uu arkay wuxuu ahaa bakayle. Wax kasta oo la sifeeyo wuxuu waydiiiyaa inta uu ka leeg yahay bakayle.

Xuquuqal insaanka oo ah mawduuca aan u dan leeyahay ma wax reer galbeedka u gaar ah baa? Jawaabta su’aashani waxaynu si dhow u fahmi karnaa hadii aynu eegno caksigeeda oo ah maqnaanshaha xuquuqal insaanka. Hadaad is waydiiso in qofka banii adamka ahi aanu lahayn wax xaq ah ma wax wanaagsan baa? Qofka laga hadlayaa waa adiga; akhristaha qoraalkan. Qof ma tahay oo xaq ma leedahay aanu lahayn dhagaxa, gaadhiga, daayeerka, waraabaha, idaha iyo geela. Haa. Waan leeyahay waayo qof ayaan ahay, ayay tahay jawaabta laga filan karo qofka caadiga ah.

Inkasta oo cadaymo aad u badan loo hayo in ilaalinta xuquuqal insaaku aanu ahayn wax ay iska leeyihiin reer galbeedku, hadana dad baa u qaatay in ereyada xuquuqal insaan ay ba yihiin sheeko reer galbeed. Dadkaasi waxa laga yabaa inay necbaansho u qabaan reer galbeedka. Balse waxaanay dhaadin inay yihiin dad ku dayanaya reer galbeedka oo taako taako u daba socda. Waayo? Maxay ku keeneen inay qiyaasta lagu eego xuquuqal insaanka ka dhigtaan reer galbeedka?

Waa jecel yihiin reer galbeedku inay ka dhaadhiciyaan dadka kale in ilaalinta xuquuqal insaanku tahay waxay iyagu hindiseen oo ay tahay in laga barto. Xaqiiqdu se sidaas way ka duwan tahay. Waxa beeninaya taas adoonsigii dadka madow, gumaysigii iyo sida loola dhaqmo dadka lagu hayo Guantanamo Bay.  

Diinta Islaamu waxay u soo degtay inay dadku ilaaliyaan xuquuqdooda. Waxay reebtay wax kasta oo waxyeelo u gaysta qofka sharaftiisa iyo hantidiisa. Xuquuqda aadanuhuna waxay ka dhalataa labadaas. Ilaahay Quraankiisa wuxuu ku sheegay inuu dadka karaameeyey. Dheeraad ayuu banii aadamka siiyay aanay haysan noolaha intiisa kale.

Wuxuu dadkiisa faray caddaalad iyo inaanay isku xadgudbin. Markii Nebi Maxamed waxyigu ku soo degay dunida Carbeed waxay ahayd meel sida loo kala xoog wayn yahay loo kala xaq badan yahay. Nebigu (SCW) wuxuu ku baaqay sinaansho iyo inaan xoog lagu kala sarayn. Wuxuu dadka ugu yeedhay inay is nabad geliyaan oo aanay ku tuman kuwa taagta yar yar.

Aragtida dheer ee Diinta Islaamku bartay umadda waxa ka faa’iidaystay dadyow aan ba Muslim ahayn. Waxaa se lagu kari la’ yahay kuwii Muslimiinta ahaa.

Diinta Islaamku waxay u taagan tahay xuquuqal insaanka. Hadii aad aaminsan tahay in ay iska soo horjeedaan xuquuqal insaanka iyo diintu, xaqiiqdu waxay tahay inaad qalad fahamtay Islaamka. Ha u qaadan Islaamku inuu yahay mid dadka amra isku xoog sheegashada iyo is laynta. Xaasha. Diintu waxay dadka fartaa is nabad gelinta, daryeelka kuwa baahan, gacan qabashada kuwa taagta daran, sinaanta iyo caddaaladda. Xuquuqal insaankuna waa intaas.

Guleid Ahmed Jama 

CAQABADAHA DHAQAALAHA SOMALILAND by Jama Ahmed Jama

Image: Google

HORDHAC

Jamhuuriyada Somaliland waa midka mida dalalka kuyaal Geeska Afrika  iyo gacanka Cadmeed oo ah goob ka mida goobaha ugu straatejisan ganacsiga caalamka halkaas oo marin u ah inta badan gaadiidka bada iyo cirkaba ee  isaga kala goosha bariga iyo galbeedka aduunka  kuwaasoo sida shixmadaha ganacsi. Marka laga yimaado goobta wanaagsan ee uu ku yaalo dalku waxa kale oo uu hodonku yahay  khayraad farobadam oo ay ka mid yihiin Xoolaha, Macdanta, Kaluunka, Beeyada iyo beeraha.

 Wax soo saarka dhaqaale ee Somaliland (GDP) waxa lagu qiyaasaa $1.5 billion, 30% Dhaqaalaha somaliland wuxu ka soo galaa xoolaha halka 20% ay ka soo galaan Tukaamda jumlada iyo tafaariiqda 8%  beeraha, 6% handida maguurtada ah. Dadka reer Somaliland waxa lagu qiyaasaa 3.5million, halka Shaqo la aanta Somaliland lagu qiyaasay inay shaqo la a yihiin Raga  28%  Dumarka 17% ( 15 to 24Jir . Hargeisa Borama Burao) (New World Bank GDP and Poverty Estimates for Somaliland, 2014)

Taariikhda Dhaqaalaha Somaliland 1991-2000

Kadib dagaalkii qadhaadhaa ee xukunka lagaga tuuray xukuumadii milateriga ahayd ee uu hogaaminayey Madaxweyne Maxamed Siyaad Barre, waxaa burbur lixaadlihi soo gaadhay dhaqaalaha Somaliland oo gebi ahaanba laga soo bilaabay xaga hoose. Dagaalka ka sokow dawladda Siyaad Barre oo ahayd shuuciyad waxay baabiisay lahaanshihii gaarka ahaa taas oo sababtay faqri wayn markii dawladdu ka baxday meesha.

Mudo kadiba waxaa si fiican u hirgalay ganacsi xoogan oo xaga dhoofinta xoolaha ah. oo loo dhoofinyo xoolo tiro badan dalalka Carbeed. Ganacsigaa oo ay si fiican ugu diirsadeen dadkii dagaalada kasoo doogay  una  noqday il soo kabasho ayna shaqooyin iyo dakhli  farobadan ka heleen dad faro badan si toos ah iyo si dadbanba .

Dhamaadkii sagaashanaadkii waxay ahayd markii xoolihii ugu tirada badnaa laga dhoofiyey dekeda Berbera tan iyo intii Somaliland gooni isu taageeda la soo noqotay

Sanadkii 1997 waxaa laga dhoofiyey dekeda Berbera xoolihii ugu badnaa ee sanadkaa aduunka laga dhoofiyo hal deked 2.8 Million (Neef)  ayna kasoo xerootay hanti lagu qiyaasay $84.4 million,  xoolahaa oo kala yimi  Togdheer Burco Yiroowe  20-25%  Sool iyo Sanaag 15-20% deegaanka Somalida ee Ethiopia 45-50% halka qayb kalena ay ka timi Badhtamaha iyo Koonfurta Somalia 10-15 (Holleman, 2002)

Marka laga yimaado shaqada iyo dakhligu kasoo galayey dhoofinta xoolaha wakhtigaa wax sidoo kale dakhli wanaagsani uga soo xaroon jirey dawlada Somaliland tiirka labaad ee dhaqaalaha Somaliland oo ah lacagta ay ka soo xawilaan dadka reer Somaliland ee ku nool dalka dibadiisa, kaas oo ay lacag badani kasoo gasho dalka.

Taariikhda Dhaqaalaha Somaliland 2000 iyo wixii ka danbeeyey

Kadib markii dalka Sucuudigu ku soo rogay cunaqabatayn  xoolaha Somaliland September dhexdeedii 2000 wax  si weyn looga dareemay guud ahaan dhaqaalaha Somalilad gaar ahaan dadkii sida tooska iyo sida dadbanba dakhligu uga soo geli jirey iibinta iyo dhoofinta xoolaha, kuwaaso oo isugu jirey dadkii xoolo dhaqatada ahaa kuwii ganacsatada xoolaha iyo kuwii u dhaxeeyey ba.

Isbedelkan dhaqaale oo ahaa mid weyn maadaama oo Somaliland waxa keliya ee ay ku tiirsanayd ay ahayd dhoofinta xoolaha  waxu  sababtay:

1.      Dad badani inay ku shaqo waayeen.

2.       Qaar badan oo xoolo dhaqato ahaa magaalada soo galaan.

3.      Shilinka Somaliland uu hoos u dhac ku yimi.

4.       Dakhligii kasoo geli  jirey Dawlada dekedana oo yaraaday.

5.      Ka ganacsiga dhuxusha oo badatay.

Wakhtigaa wixii ka danbeeyey waxaa kaalin lexaad leh ka qaatay nolosha iyo dhaqaalaha Somalilandba lacagta ay soo diraan dadka ku noolaa dalka dibadiisa taas oo u bedeshay dooorkii xoolaha, lagagana badbaaday dhibaato dhaqaale oo weyn oo ku habsan lahayd dadkii tamarta daraa ee dagaalada kasoo doogey.

Mudadaa wixii ka danbeeyey ganacsiga Somaliland  oo u badan cuntooyinka, qalabka dhismaha, dharka wwm dhamaantoodba laga soo dhoofiyo dalka dibadiisa hadba marka ka danbaysa wuu  sii horu marayey. Iyadoo ay soo kordheen shirkado isgaadhsiineed, kuwo dhisme iyo kuwo kale oo badan.

Hadaba waxaa marwalba biyo kama dhibcaan ah inay Dalka ka jirto  shaqo la’aan baahsan, taasoo laga dareemayo meel kastoo ka mida geyiga Somaliland ,da ayartii jamacadaha kasoo baxayna ay bilaa camal yihiin maqaaxiyaha fadhiyaan qaarkoodna kaba googoosteen dalka si ay u raadsadaan nolol dhaanta tan ay ku nool yihiin maanta oo ay uga dhex muuqan weydey inay ku gaadhi karaan mustaqbalkay higsanayeen. 

Caqabadaha Dhaqaalaha Somaliland

1.      Saylad La aanta Khayraadka  kala duwan ee Dalaka sida xoolaha, kaluunka, beeyada iyo kuwa kale ee ceedhinba

A.    Xoolaha

Midka mida caqabadaha ugu waaweyn ee dhaqaalaha Somaliland haystaa  waa saylad la aanta xoolaha  oo ah khayraadka ugu badan ee dalka wakhtigan la joogo Somaliland. Tan iyo markii Sucuudigu mamnuucay xoolaha Somaliland waxa dalka soo wajahday dhaqaale xumo weyn taasoo keentay shaqo la aan iyo in ay joogsato lacag adag oo dalka kasoo geli jirtey dhoofinta xoolaha taasoo dib loogu maal gelin jirey dalka islamarkaana dad badanina shaqo iyo dakhli  ka heli jireen.

B.     Kaluunka

Sidoo kale kaluunka oo ah mid ka mida cuntooyinka caalamka loogu isticmaalka badan yahay oo dalka Somaliland hodon ku yahay ayaa nasiib daro aanay jirin hal wadan oo caalamka ama Africa ah oo loo iib geeyo. Iyada oo dalka Ethiopia oo shacabkiisu gaadhayo sagaashan milyan aanay lahayn bad. Sidaasdarteed na uu noqon karo saylad wayn oo loo iib geeyo kallunka ay sida wayn ugu baahan yihiin.

C.    Beeyada

Beeyadu waa midka mida khayraadka qaaliga ah ee uu hodonku yahay dalku hadii suuq loo helona dakhli wanaagsan iyo shaqooyiba ka soo gelilahaayeen dala

2.      La aanta Bangiyada Ganacsiga

Bangiyada ganacsigu waa laf dhabarta  abuurida iyo maal gelinta ganacsiyo cusub oo  hirgala. Maqnaanshaha bangiyo ganacsi oo dhamaystirani waxay dib u dhac weyn ku noqotay abuurista ganacsiyo waaweyn iyo yaryarba isugu jira oo dalka laga hirgelinlahaa oo s haqooyin abuuri lahaa dhaqaalaha dalkana kor usoo qaadi lahaa.

3.       Jilicsanaanta kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha

Kaabayaasha dhaqaalahu sida wadooyinka, dekedaha , korontada  iwm waxay lagama maarmaan u yihiin hirgelinta iyo ka shaqaysiinta ganacsiga. Ssida aynu wada ogsoonahay caqabad weyn ayaa ka jirta dhamaan kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha Somaliland taasoo dib u dhac ku keetay maal gashiga gudaha iyo ka debedaba .

GEBOGEBO

Si looga baxo dhaaqaale xumaanta iyo fakhriga Somaliland waxa loo baahan yahay in si degdeg ah wax looga qabto qodobadaa aan kor kusoo xusay iyadoo la iskaa shanayo dawlad iyo shacaba.

TALO SOO JEEDIN:

1.      In dawladu dedaalkeeda arimaha debeda oo dhan isugu geyso sidii ay khayraadka dalka ugu helilahayd saylado loo iibgeeyo.

2.      In dawladu buuxiso doorka bangiyada ganacsiyad ayna miisaaniyad sanad walba ugu darto qayb lagu maal gelinayo ganacsiyo cusub oo dalka  ka hirgala  iyada oo amaahinaysa lacagta dadka fekredaha ganacsiga ee wanaagsan haya, iyo inay ku sii kabaan ganacsiyadii hore u jirey.

3.      In dawladu sii dardar geliso hawlaha ayka wado horumarinta kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha sida wadada Ceergaabo,  koronto jabana ay u diyaariso si wershadahu u isticmaalaan .

4.      Inay dawladu tayayeeso xoolaha, kor uqaado caafimaadkooda sidoo kalena ka haqab tirto goobaha biyaha iyo baadka ayka heli lahaayeen.

Jama Ahmed Jama

jdafac12@gmail.com

Dhaqaale-yahan, Hargeisa Somaliland

Refrence

Holleman, C. F. (2002). The Socio-economic Implications of the Livestock Ban in Somaliland. Nairobi .

New World Bank GDP and Poverty Estimates for Somaliland. (2014, Janurry 29). p. 1.

Saaxiibadaydii xabsiga

Sawirka: Google images

Waayaha nolosha iyo geedigeedu maalinba meel buu kugu tuuraa. Mar ba dad baad la rafiiq tahay oo aad wax wadaagtaan. Isku dhowaanshaha iyo saaxiibtinamada waqtigu keeno ee aan kala doorashada lahaynina way ka wayn tahay kuwa kale oo dhan.  

Ma ilaawo, maankayga na kama bixin asxaabtii xabsiga. Sagaal iyo toban maalmood oo aan xidhaa, todoba iyo toban ka mid ah waxaan la xidhnaa asxaab kala duwan oo kala da’ ah. Aniga marka la iga reebo way xukunaayeen. Asxaabta aan ka hadlayaa maaha kuwii ku jiray xabsiga oo dhane waa sagaal qof oo igula jiray qolkii yaraa ee aan ku qaatay saacado badan. Waxbaan wada cunnay, sheekaan wadaagnay, laandhuu ama shax baanu wada cayaarnay, kaftan iyo haasaawe ayaanu is waydaarsanay. Waa isku dhowaansho cajiib ah waayo waa hal qol oo dhawr mitir isku jira meesha aan ku wada jirnay 22 saacadood maalin walba. Laba saacadood oo qoraxda loo baxo markaaad ka reebto.

Ma ilaawo odaygii hadalka wanaagsanaaa. Hal hays waxa u ahayd oo uu mar walba odhan jiray diintaa macaan, Nebigaa nuur leh. Dadkii xabsigu waxay naanays uga dhigeen Nebigaa nuur leh. Nin cibaado badan buu ahaa. Ma ilaawo ninkii maxaabiista qaybta aan ku jirnay (block C) madaxda u ahaa; nin gadh wayn oo qosol badan, sheeko badan oo kaftan badan. Ma cadhoodo dacaayadda dadka na ma joojiyo. Waa xariif oo si fiican buu xabsiga uga war hayaa. Shan Sanadood baa lagu xukumay oo inteeda badan wuu qaatay. Mase aha markii u horsay ee uu soo galo xabsiga. Waxa yaab ahayd sida uu u yiqiin Quraanka. Korkuu ka hayay in badan oo ka mid ah. Tafsiirkana wuu yiqiin. Waxaan xusuustaa habeen uu dusha nooga wada tafsiiray Suuratal Yuusuf. Wuxuu aad ugu tuun tuunsaday asxaabul sijni (ileyn anagaa ahayne).

Ma ilaawo ninkii madaadalada. Majaajileeste dhalad ah buu ahaa. Aad buu dadka ugu qoslin jiray. Maxaa lagugu soo xidhay markaad tidhaahdo wuxuu ku jawaabi jiray “lacagtaydaa ii soo xidhay”. Haduu fanka ku biiro waxaan filayaa inuu suuqa ka saari lahaa Sooraan iyo Jawaan.  

Ma ilaawo labadii saaxiib ee dhalinyaradda ahaa. Mid baa se aad iigu sawiran. Si uu waqtiga isu dhaafiyo wuxuu isku mashquulin jiray inuu ka shaqeeyo xabsiga. Nin xoog wayn oo da’ yar buu ahaa.

Haseyeshee, marka aan xabsiga xusuusto hal nin baan ka werweraa oo maskaxdayda ku abuura walaac. Anigaa isku canaanta oo waxaan is idhaahdaa wax ma u qabatay. Waa 62 jir gadh dheer oo cas leh. Waa ehlu cibaado oo marna wuu tukanayaa marna Quraan buu akhristaa. Imaamka qolkuu ahaa. Qof walba salaadda ayuu u kicin jiray. Ma ogola inuu qolka ku jiro qof aan tukan. Sheekadiisu waa xikmad iyo waayo uu soo maray.

Waa ninka keliya ee markii aan xabsiga ka soo baxay aan baadhay kiiskiisa. Waxaan doontay xukunadii iyo dhokumentiyadii maxkamadaha. Cali Salaad waa reer Xingalool (bariga Sanaag). Mudo dheer buu ku noolaa Hargeysa. Balse Somaliland, Hargeysa iyo caddalaadu ba way dulmeen. Dulmiga ku dhacay waxaan Ilaahay ka baryaa inaanu ku qaadin oo dusha ka saarin dadka intiisa kale. Quraan ruugga, cibaadada miidhan ah ee gardarada lagu haysto inaan Ilaahay inoogu cadhoon baan ka baryaa.

Cali gar Islaan iyo mid kale tooni dusha kama saarto waxa lagu haysto. Ilaahay baa Quraankiisa ku yidhi qofna qof kale dembgiiisa ma qaado. Dembi cid kale loo haysto oo la isla ogol yahay in cid kale loo haysto ayaa isaga la saaray. Kaas buu u xidhan yahay. Weliba wuxuu xidhnaan doonaa mudo aan cayinayn.

Cidda haystaa waa cid magac iyo sharaf badan leh. Waa cid ixtiraam bulshada ku leh. Waa cid la qadariyo. Sidaasdarteed, way adag tahay in laga horyimaado. Dabinno iyo xadhko isku xidhan buu galay.

Cali waxa lagu haystaa in nin uu dhalay lacag ka dhacay niman ajnabi ah oo uu kaga dhacay dal kale. Inankiisu waa 40 jir. Waaba is leeg yihiin. Waa nool yahay oo waa xay xooggiisa iyo laxaadkiisa qaba. Halka uu joogana waa la yaqaan. Laguma haysto Cali inuu dhaca la sheegay qayb ka ahaa iyo inuu hantida waxa ka helay toona. Hadana waxa lagu xukumay sadex sano oo xadhig ah iyo kala badh lacagtii loo haystay inankiisa. Lacagtu mid yar maaha. Waa 5, 00 000 Doolar.

Cali doodiisu waa cadahay. “Diinta Islaamku ima saarin waxa ninkaas qaan gaadhka ahi qabo, waaba hadii uu qabo ileyn kama doodin oo maxkamad lama keenine. Sharciga Somaliland iyo ka aduunkuna ima saarin. Maxaa la igu haystaa?”

Waxa loo haystaa cudhaadh. Waxa la haysanayaa Cali inta inankiisii imanayo oo bixinayo lacagta aanu iska difaacin ee marag iyo cadayn la horkeenay aanay dusha ka saarin.  

Wuxuu ku xidhan yahay xabsi laga yaabo inaad maalin walba adoo qoslaya iska hor martid. Balse isagu murugo ayuu ugu xidhan yahay. Xabsi uu tirsanayo ma jiro oo ma yaqaan intuu xidhnaanayo waayo dhaqanka qalafsan ee qayrul sharciga ah ee Somaliland ka jira ayaa ah in qofka la haysto inta uu bixinayo waxa loo haysto. Si cad buu u mamnuucay xeerka caalamiga ahi in qof lacag loo xidho. Waxa la yidhaahdaa adoonsiga daynta (debt servitude). Quruumihii hore ayaa dadka xabsiga ku hayn jiray inta laga bixinayo lacagta ama daynlaha ayaa yeelan jiray oo adoon ka dhigan jiray.

Waxaaan hubaa in Cali Salaad uu jeclaan lahaa in dadka reer Somaliland ee dareenka wadaniyadeed, Muslinimo iyo banii aadantimo lihi ay u hadlaan. Qasab maaha inaad ku qanacdo hadalkayga, baadhitaan shaqsi ah samee waayo qoraalada maxkamaduhu waa wax la heli karo. Kadib waad la tashan kartaa qareeno iyo culimo si aad u eegtid in waxa Cali lagu haystaa ay tahay gar.

 Khayr baan u rajaynayaa saaxiibadayda xabsiga ee ku jira qolka cidhiidhiga ah ee ay mamnuuca ka tahay buugga, qalinka iyo wax kasta oo la akhriyaa ee hadana isk faraxsan ee iska sheekaysta.

Guleid Ahmed Jama

Maxaa u sabab ah khilaafka soo noqnoqday ee xisbiyada siyaasadeed ee Somaliland

Hordhac

Sanadkii 2001 markii dadwaynaha reer Somaliland afti ku ansixiyeen dastuur dhigaya mabaadida dimoqraadiyadda waxay Somaliland u dhaqdhaqaaqday sidii ay u yagleeli lahayd nidaam dawladeed ku sal leh dimoqraadiyad ay hogaanka siyaasadda u hayaan xisbiyo siyaasadeed (Jhazbhay, 2009). Ka hor aftida dastuurka, madaxda dalka waxa soo xulli jiray ergooyin qabiiladu soo dirteen oo shir wayne ay ku kulmaan ku dooran jiray madaxweyne iyo ku xugeenkiisa iyo labada aqal ee Baarlamaanka. Dimoqraadiyaddu waxay u baahan tahay xisbiyo adag oo waari kara (JANDA, 2005). Geediga lagaga guurayo hab beeleedka ee loo naq raacay xisbiyo la biday inay dhaami doonaan beelo si toos ah u soo xusha hogaanka, waxa uu dad badan u ahaa guul wayn oo ay ku hamiyayeen. Waxa se jiray dad waagaas ka qabay shaki inay suurtagal noqon karto in Somaliland doorasho qaban karta. Sidaasdarteed, hawlaha badankooda waxa lagu galay si degdeg ah.

December 2002 ayaa markii u horaysay tan iyo 1969 dadwaynaha reer Somaliland waxay u dareereen codbixin ay ku kala xulanayeen lix urur siyasaadeed oo sida qorshuhu ahaa sadexda ugu codka badani noqon doonaan xisbiyadda siyaasadda ee dalka (Jama, 2009). Waxa ku soo baxay xisbigii talada dalka hayey ee Ururka Dimoqraadiyadda Umadda Bahowday (UDUB), Ururka Caddaaladda iyo Daryeelka (UCID) iyo ururka kulmiye. Sadexdaas urur oo da’ ahaanna u kala waynaa sida ay u kala horeeyaan waxaay laga bilaabo ku dhawaaqistii natiijada doorashada noqdeen xisbiyada rasmiga ah  ee dalka.

Haseyeeshee, jirintaanka sadexda xisbi waxa muran wayn geliyay siyaasiyiin dood ka keenay turjumadda iyo fahamka dastuurka Somaliland oo dhigaya in dalku yeelanayo sadex xisbiyo iyo Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Axsaabta Siyaasada Xeer 14/2001. Fahamkii hore loo haystay wuxuu ahaa in sadexdii xisbi ee ku soo baxay doorashadii 2002 ay noqonayaan xisbiyada abidkood jira. Halka siyaasiyiinta qaar ku doodeen inay tahay in hadba la furo ururada siyaasadda oo sadexda ugu codka badani ay noqdaan xisbiyo siyaasadeed. Sadexdii xisbi ee hore u jiray way ku kala aragti duwanaayeen doodaas. UDUB iyo UCID way ka soo horjeesteen furitaanka ururo hor leh halka Kulmiye u arkayey in furitaanku haboon yahay. Guushii xisbiga Kulmiye talada dalka ku qabtay 2010 waxay horseeday in mar labaad la furo ururada siyaasadeed oo ay ku baratamaan doorashadii 2012 iyada oo la go’aamiyay in tobankii sanoba hal mar la furo.

Maxaa xisbiyada sadex loogu xadiday

Waydiintu waxay tahay maxaa keenay in hadii dalku yahay dal dimoqraadi ah oo tartanku furan yahay loo cayimay tirada xisbiyada? Nidaamkii dimoqraadiyadeed ee lixdanaadkii (1960-1969) ayaa laga bartay in hadii ay bataan tirada ururada siyaasaddu inay xoojinayso qabyaaladda oo ay abuurmayaan ururo tiro badan oo ku salaysan jifooyin hoose (Bulhan, 2008). Dabadeedna bulshadu ay aad u kala qaybsamayso meeshana ay ka baxayso xasilooni siyasadeed. Si taas loogu maaro helo, waxa la garwaaqsaday inay haboon tahay in la koobo si qabyaalada loo yareeyo ama meesha looga saaro. Somaliland waxay ku hamiyaysay in laba arimood ay ka durkiso ama ka fogayso xisbiyada siyaasadda; qabyaaladda iyo diinta. Ta danbe waxa looga gol lahaa in caqiidada ummadda midaysa aan la gelin khilaaf iyo in laga hortaggo in firqooyinka diimeed ay ururo is diidan oo col isku ah samaystaan.

Qabiilka iyo xisbiyada

Qabiilkii rajadu ahayd in xisbiyadu dawo u noqdaan ayaa afduubay xisbiyadii siyaasadeed. Isla bilowgiiba, ururadii siyaasadeed waxay noqdeen kuwo ka shidaal qaata beelo. Beel waliba waxay samaysatay urur siyaaseed. Sadexdii xisbi waxay noqdeen madal ay ku bahoobaan beelo. Aragtidii laga lahaa inay dawo u noqdaan beelnimada may rumayn inkasta oo ay ku qasabtay in dhawr beeloodba ku midoobaan hal xisbi. Taas oo xoogaa ka sahlan aafadii lixdanaadkii.

Dhaqan siyaasadeed

Dhaqan siyaasadeedkii xisbiyadu markaas wuxuu noqday beelnimo ama qabyaalad. Wax walba oo xisbigii fulinayo iyo barnaamijkiisa siyaasadeed waxaa tiir dhexaad u noqday qabiil.

Khilaafka xisbiyada dhexdooda

Maxaa keena khilaafka ka dhex dhesha xisbi dhexdii? Ugu horayn waxa haboon in la isla fahmo in khilaafku aanu ahayn wax xun islamarkaana aan laga hortegi karin aanayna haboonayn in la isku dayo in khilaafka la cidhib tiro (Lipsky & Ariel C. Avgar, 2010). Khilaafku waa wax nolosha dadka ka mid ah oo qayb laxaad leh ka cayaara horumarka bulshada. Waxa intaas dheer in khilaafku yahay mid ka mid ah astaamaha siyaasadda meel walba oo ay dunida tahay ba.

Dhibaatada Somaliland haysataa markaas maaha jiritaanka khilaafka ee waa maaro u helid la’aanta iyo maqnaanshaha nidaam, shuruuc, habraacyo iyo dhaqan tolmoon oo lagu xalliyo khilaafka. Maxay yihin dhibaatooyinka ka dhex jira xisbiyada ee keena in aan xisbigu heshiin?

1. Aragti la’aan

Qeexidda iyo tilmaanta xisbiyada aad ayaa loogu kala aragti duwan yahay (Bawn et al., 2012). Balse waxa sal u ah mid walba wadaagista aragti ay wada leeyihiin xubanha ka wada tirsan xisbiga (Ball & B. Guy Peters, 2000). Qeexidaas iyo mid kasta oo kale oo aqoonyahanku ku tilmaamaan xisbi waa mid aanay sina u buuxin karayn xisbiyadda Somaliland. Maaha dad ay aragti midaysay oo feker wadaagga. Waa ashqaas u ooman kursi iyo xukun oo ay isku keentay rabitaanka ama caashaqa ay u qabaan inay xukunka gaadhaan ama ay haystaan. Waxa mideeyaa waa dan shaqsi ama kooxeed. Sidaasdarteed, mar walba oo ay is hirdido danaha is diidan ee inta kuwada jirtay xisbiga waxa aan shaki ku jirin inay ku kala tegayaan waayo ma jirto xanjo isku haysta.

 2. Jiritaan la’aan

Marka laga yimaado af ahaan ama hadal ahaa, maaha xisbiyada Somaliland kuwo leh jiritaan. Ma laha xubno leh aqoonsi (ID Cards) oo ka tirsan xisbiga. Ma laha xafiisyo tuulo, degmo iyo xitaa gobol. Xafiisyada waxay kiraystaan marka olole soo dhow yahay. Maqnaanshaha xubnimo (membership) waxay ka dhigtay xisbiyada Somaliland wax aan jirin oo hadana jira. Xisbi waxa shardi u ah inuu leeyahay dad ka tirsan oo la yaqaan. Waa xubnahaas cidda aasaaska u ah ee hadhow ergooyinka shirwaynaha soo dirsata.

Maadama oo aanay jirin xubno, mar kasta oo la doono in la qabto shirwayne muran baa dhasha sababta oo ah waxa aan la isla aqoon cidda ergada soo dirsanaysa iyo qaabka ay u soo dirsanyso midna. Waxa markaas cid walba u cad in kooxdii gacanta ku haysa qaban qaabada shirku inay awood badan u leedahay inay ciday doonto ka dhigto ergo. Taasina waxay sababtaa khilaaf aan sinaba loogu maaro helayn.

Xitaa waxaan cadayn oo aan la aqoon xubnaha golaha dhexe ee xisbiyada. Tusaale ahaan mid ka mid ah xisbiyada Somaliland shirwaynihii u danbeeyey ee uu yeeshay muu dooran xubno gole dhexe ah ee wuxuu doortay tiro. Waxa gacanta loo taagay tirada uu noqon doono golaha dhexe. Sidaadarteed, hadii ay is yidhaahdaan shiriya golaha dhexe labgaran maayo kuwa ay yihiin. Mid kale oo ka mid ah xisbiyada xubnaha golaha dhexe ma cayinna oo waa daba furan. Sidaasdarteed, waa la soo geli karaa oo tiradu kor uun bay isaga socotaa.

3.  Sharci la’aan

Xeerka maamula xisbiyada guud ahaan oo ah Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Axsaabta Siyaasada Xeer. 14/2001 waa xeer si xun u qoran, kooban, af ahaan aan la fahmi karin islamarkaana madmadowga ku jiraa ka badan yahay inta cad. Sababta u wayn ee uu caynkaas u yahay waxay tahay inaan marna loo qorin si degen iyo iyada oo laga fekarayo danta guud. Mar walba waxa loo qoray si dhaqso ah iyada oo ay wax yari ka hadhsan tahay doorasho oo xaalku ka gaadhsii buu ahaa. Waxa intaas dheer in danaha is diidan ee siyaasiyiintu ay si gurracan ugu adeegsadaan inaan xeerku noqon mid waxtar leh oo iyaga dabra.

Xeerarka xisbiyadu leeyihiin iyana waa kuwo la mid ah xagga qaab qoraalka iyo nuxurkaba xeerka guud. Waxay se dheer yihiin inay iskaba sahlan tahay in la bedelo. Hadba kooxda markaas joogta ayaa si aayar ah isaga bedelaysa oo ku darsanaysa ama ka goonaysa waxay rabto. Sidaasdarteed, wax jira oo dad kala saari kara maaha.

4. Guddida Diwaangelinta Ururada Siyaasada iyo Anxisinta Axsaabta Qaranka

Gudida Diiwaangelinta Ururada Siyaasadda iyo Ansixinta Asxaabta Qaranka ayaa sharcigu awood u siiyay inay korjoogteeyaan xisbiyada oo ay hubiyaan inay sharciga raacaan. Nasiib darro gudidani maaha mid shaqaysa oo xilkeeda gudata. Waxa intaas u dheer in Xeerka Nidaamka Ururada iyo Asxaabta Siyaasaddu uu ka dhigay mudada jiritaankooda laba sanadood keliya. Wiixi intaas ka danbeeya wuxuu waajibiyay in la qiimeeyo in la cusboonaysiiyo jiritaanka Gudida iyo in xilkaas loo raro Gudida Doorashooyinka. Hada Gudida waqtigoodii wuu dhacay loomana cusboonaysiin. Hadana magac ahaan way sii shaqeeyaan oo mushahar bay ka qaataan Qaranka inkasta oo aanay sharci ahaan jirin oo ay dhiteen waa hore.

5. Siyaasad la’aan

Xisbiyadda siyaasaddu ma laha siyaasad iyo habraacyo qoran oo la raaco. Ma yaqaaniin xubanha iyo madaxda xisbiyadu meesha ay u socdaan iyo sida ay wax u wadaan midna. Waxa lagu wadaa xisbiyada in laga tashado uun timaadada.

6. Sharciga oo aan lagu dhaqmin

Dhibaato kale oo ay kala siman yihiin Somaliland inteeda kale waa sharciga oo aan lagu dhaqmin. Markaas wixii u yaal, haba liitee, maaha mid la raaco oo ixtiraam iyo qadarin leh.

7. Keligii talisnimo iyo lahaansho

Inkasta oo dalku dimoqraadi yahay (ugu yaraan sharci ahaan), hadana xisbiyadu kuma dhaqmaan dimoqraadiyad ee qof baa tuurta u rita awoodda xisbiga. Inta badan culayska xisbiguna wuxuu ku dhacaa qofkaas oo dabadeed u qaato in xisbigu yahay hanti uu isagu iska leeyahay mar hadii hanti iyo dadaal inta badani isaga kaga baxday. Sidaas awgeed, xisbiyadii waxay yeesheen astaan lahaansho gaar ahaaneed. Sidii shirkadaha ayaa markaas waxa awoodda u badan leh qofka saamiga u badan leh. 

8. Dulqaad la’aan

Dulqaadku waa quruxda iyo ruuxda siyaasadda. Waa astaan cajiib ah oo la’aanteed aan siyaasaddu macno wayn yeelaneyn. Siyaasiyiinta Somaliland malaha dulqaad siyaasadeed. Ma xamilaan dabaylaha iyo culaysyada siyaasdeed ee yimaada. Taasina waxay keentaa in si sahlan ay madaxa isula galaan una kala tagaan.

Gebogebo

Xisbiyada siyaasadda iyo nidaamka dawladeed ee Somaliland midna ma dhisin sharci iyo nidaam xubnaha xisbiyadu ku kala bixi karaan. Inta maaro loo helayo dhibaatooyinka sare ku xusan, way sii socon doonta in khilaafka ka dhex dhasha xisbi uu keeno inay kala tagaan madaxda xisbigu oo loo maaro waayo. Si loo saxo khalalaadka jira na, waxa lama huraan ah inay jirto rabitaan siyaaseed oo lagu doonayo in xididka la abaaro ee aan la isku mashquulin faraca.

 Guleid Ahmed Jama, LL.B, PGDip, MA (candidate)

 Tixraac

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