Somaliland: mass cabinet resignations

Quitted ministers pledged loyalty to the nation and reiterated to run within the ruling party’s expected November contest that has sparked party split which resulted large scale senior government officials resignations including the most powerful man in cabinet, Hersi Haji Ali, a man famously known as the prime minister. In yesterday, 26^th October, Hersi, once the right hand of the president and the closest aide, unpredictably announced resignation along other ministers including presidential hopeful Mohamed Behi, former minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Justice, Minister of Public Works, Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, and others.

The decision of the cabinet members and director general came after the president allegedly ordered his cabinet to back Muse Behi, a presidential hopeful and head of the ruling party. The news has shocked opponents of Musa Behi who have been in conflict with the party leadership since Kulmiye came in power in 2010. President’s allegiance for Musa, a veteran of Somali National Movement (SNM) which the president led in 1980s, amount power shift.

The row between two contesting camps in the ruling party is based on leadership struggle. One camp led by chairman of Kulmiye, Muse Behi, mostly comprises of SNM veterans, secured the support of the first lady, media reports claim. It is believed that due to this strong backing of the ruling family the president decided to move from his earlier position to the nomination of Muse Behi. The president has never publicly declared support to any group.

The other camp whose spiritually leader is Hersi Haji Ali, mostly consists of religious inclined politicians, and opponents who have historical opposition to Muse Behi. This group maintained strong positions in the government and almost run the country since 2010. Their preferred candidate was Abdiazis Mohamed Samale, an Islamist. But he resigned months ago from the cabinet after the president in reshuffle moved him from Ministry of Finance to Ministry of Education, a move Samale has seen as downgrading. The Minister of Industries resigned at that time in support of Samale.

 The resignation of Samale was big blow to his group whom from that date has been becoming distant from the president. To compensate the damage inflicted by the unilateral Samale’s decision, the group put forward as a candidate Mohamed Behi, who is not Islamists.

The Central Committee meeting is scheduled on 10^th November 2015 to select presidential candidate for the ruling party, Kulmiye, because the current president is not running for reelection. It is not yet clear if the mass resignations will benefit any candidate, but it created a concern in the country.   

Guleid Ahmed Jama

 This view is my own and I do not express in representing any entity.

Somaliland: ideological debate in social media

Debates among the Somalilanders in the social media is many times ideological: secularists vs Islamists; liberals vs socialists; clannists vs nationalists etc. But, in the mainstream media and public platforms, these topics are not in the agenda. It is puzzling why the two do not resemble. Despite the huge freedom and sometimes anonymity the social media (specifically the faceboook) is offering, the explanation is not quit easy. I argue if such ideological discussions and point of views are embedded in our political, social, economic and cultural dialogues, we would have different and positive direction.

Although deep intolerance is evidently apparent in these debates at the social media, it shows the presence of people who hold ideas above clan politics, people bound together by what they believe, but not the clan they belong to. I have observed how people who belong to same clan have very distant (or even hostile) views. Almost endless debate involved by people who are scattered all over the world continue in our social media. It is wrong to claim that the debate in the social media is positive and may have fruitful results if mainstreamed, but it is a sign of different topics that interest the masses without taking into consideration the dominant narration.

The two leading debaters, in my assessment, are secularists and Islamists. There is a presence of atheists in insignificant number. However, the robust and leading sides are Islamists and secularists which are neither homogenous nor united. Many Islamists in the social media hold conflicting ideas whereas secularist are not united as well.

Most surprisingly, the centre of the arguments is not only the role of religion in public life. This does not mean there is no debate on this subject. There is big one on the matter. However, the questions that repeatedly ring the bell are those directed to the meaning of Islam, its interpretation, role of reason in religious understanding, the influence of Arab culture, the power of religious leaders and freedom of religion.   

Therefore, in many occasions arguments is sparked by for instance someone questioning how traditionally certain things were attached to a religious meaning or the long held negative views on women. Others focus on the change of religious trends and feel outnumbered and influenced by new religious movements. This later group stand to defend Sufism which they see as the true religious path.

Another thing I have so far observed is the people who are involved in the debates. The secularist (if I group together all those oppose the Islamists) mostly comprises of two groups. One group is young and educated and based in Somaliland. The other group are predominantly educated in Muslim countries. This composition surprises me because I would have expected secularist to be educated or to live in the Western countries.

The Islamists (all those who campaign for religious laws to administer in the state and private lives) encompasses two group. One group is members of religious organizations/movements. The second group is young and educated in religious institutions based in the Arab countries or in Somaliland. They may not belong to particular religious organization/movement, but they are influenced and trained by religious movements. The Islamists are better organized and have other platforms outside of the social media.  

 The above categorization is not inclusive. The masses are in fluid positions; one time siding with secularists and another time siding with Islamists depending on the topic on hand.  

The word secularist (in Somali the Arabic word of Cilmaani is adapted) is taboo because it is depicted as atheists, although two are totally different topics. Therefore, the word secularism/secularists is rarely used in these debates.

My point in this commentary is not to analyse the trends and who is winning. What I would like to suggest is giving the social media discussions a space at the mainstream platforms and forums so that the people are equally informed and clan politics is suppressed.

This view is my own and I do not express in representing any entity.

 Guleid Ahmed Jama

http://www.guleidjama.blogspot.com

Twitter: @GuleidJ 

https://www.facebook.com/guuleed.dafac

   

     

Xorriyad (freedom)

Sawirka: Google images 

Xorriyaddu waa aragti iyo mabada’ sal balaadhan oo qalad wayn laga fahmay micnihiisa iyo nuxur ahaan wuxuu u jeedo. Waa aragti aadanuhu siyaalo kala duwan u qaato si ku salaysan halka uu awoodda kaga jiro, cidda uu yahay, lacagta uu haysto intay leeg tahay, rag iyo dumar kuu yahay, meesha uu joog, xaalada uu ku sugan yahay iyo waxyaabo kale oo badan.

Ereyga xoriyad waa af Carabi lagu isticmaalay afka Soomaaliga. Si aad iyo aad u kala duwan ayaa “xoriyad” loogu isticmaalaa af Soomaaliga. Tusaale ahaan ereyadan soo socda ee af Ingiriisiga ah waxa badiyaa lagu turjumaa erey isku mid ah oo ah “xoriyad”: 1. Liberty, 2. Freedom. 3. Independence. Tan danbe mararka qaar baa dadku u isticmalaaan xorriyad iyaga oo ka hadlayaa in dal ka xoroobo gumayste. Tusaale ahaan “Somaliland waxay xorriyadda heshay 1960”. Aalaa se waxa la door bidaaa madax-banaani (independence).

Micnaha faraha badan ee la siiyay af ahaan ereygan waxay keentay in fahamkiisu kakanaado oo uu noqod mid marin habaabay. Sidaasdarteed, way haboon tahay in culumida afka Soomaaliga baratay ama dersitaa ay u maaro helaan arinkaas. Maadama oo aanan ka mid ahayn kuwa bartay afka ama dersa, uma daadegayo halkaas.

 Aragti ahaan xorriyadda oo aan halkan uga jeeda “freedom” laftigeeda ayaa leh wejiyo badan oo waxay inta badan ku xidhan tahay halka aad ka taaga tahay. Isku qaska wejiyada badan ee xorriyada ayaa u ah sees qalad fahamka xorriyadda.

Qofka aadanaha ahi wuxuu leeyahay dareeno iyo rabitaano shaqsi ah oo ay adag tahay inuu ka wada xoroobo. Dad aad u tiro yar baa gaadha derejadaas. Qofku wuxuu ka dhex jiraa bulsho leh diin iyo dhaqan go’aamiyo wax badan oo ka mid ah noloshiisa, sida wuxuu cunayo, sida uu u cunayo, wuxuu xidho, sida uu u xidhanayo, meeshuu seexdo, sida uu u seexdo, sida uu u hadlo, wuxuu ka hadlo, cidda uu guursanayo, sida uu u guursanyo, marka uu dhinto sida loo aasayo iyo cidda aasaysa iyo wayxaabo badan oo qofku qabto si maalin le ah ama xillile ah. Qofka way ku adag tahay inuu helo fursad uu ugu noolaado si ka duwan sida bulshadiisu u nooshahay. Ha noqoto ta ugu wayni in qofka lagu soo koriyay oo maskaxdiisu ay u samaysan tay sida ay bulshada uu la nool yahay rabto, balse sidoo kale qofka laftiisa ayaa ka maaga inuu ka horyimaado bulshada.

Dhaqanada iyo diinaha bushooyinku waa keligood saxnayaal oo bulsho waliba waxay ku ababisaa caruurteeda in diintooda iyo dhaqankooda qudhi saxan yahay. Hadii ilmuhu ka dhex dhashay bulsho Hinduu haysata waxay u badan tahay inaan qofku isku hawlin inuu wax ka ogaado diin kale ama uu su’aal geliyo diintiisa. Sidaasdarteed, waxay u badan tahay inuu sidaa ku dhinto.

Qofku wuxuu yimaadaa aduunka isaga oo taag daran oo ilme yar ah oo ooyayaya. Wuu koraa. Waalidkii nolosha ay ku nool yihiin iyo dugsiga uu u tago inuu ka waxbarto (hadii ay jirto) ayaa saamayn wayn ku yeelata sida uu isu arko qof ahaan ilmahaasi. Midaas buu la koraa. Maadama oo aan dadku u helin fursad ay ku kala doortaan qoysaska ay ka dhalanayaan, way ku adag tahay dadku inay kala xushaan dhaqankooda, dalkooda iyo diintooda ama diin la’aantooda (tan danbe waa mid tobanaankii sano ee danbe ku soo badatay dunida, gaar ahaan reer galbeedka).

Xadhkahaas badan ee ku xidh xidhan qofka waxa u dheer mid kale oo bulshadii meel wada joogtaa ay isku raacday inuu u noqdo xidhe guud oo qof walba qabta. Waxay u bixiyaan magacyo badan oo ku xidhan dabcan afka bulshada. Soomaalidu waxay tidhi xeer. Xeerka sida uu u ku yimaadda laftigeedu way ku kula duwan yihiiin bulshooyinku. Qaar baa ku tiirsan xeer ay aamisan yihiin in Eebaha ay caabudaan uu u soo dejiyay, qaarna waxay ku tiirsan yihiin dad ay ixtiraamaan diin ahaan ama dhaqan ahaan oo u sameeya xeerka, qaarna iyaga ayaa samaysta. Tan danbe ayay hada u badan yihiin wadamada casriga ah ee aynu ku hoos noolahay.

Xeerkaasi, si kasta ha ku yimaadee, waxyaabaha uu ka hadlo waxa ka mid ah xorriyadaha qofka iyo heerka ay gaadhsiisan tahay awoodda bulshadu u leedahay xeer ahaan inay xannibto. Bulshadu waxay aqoonsan tahay in dabarka bulsho ee qofka ku xidhani aanu ahayn mid qasbi kara. Tusaale ahaan hadii la yidhaahdo qofku gacanta bidix wax kuma cuni karo, waxa hubaal ah hadii uu ku cuno in aan bulshadu talaabo ciqabeed daran ku qaadi karin, marka laga yimaado inay haaraamaan ama gadoomiyaan.

Dabarka xeerka ku dhigani wuxuu muraayad u yahay dhaqanka iyo xeel dheerida aqoontooda. Tusaale ahaan mar baa bulshada reer galbeedku ciqaab xun (oo dil ka mid yahay) marin jirtay dadka la yimaada aragtida saynis ee ka duwan tii Kiniisaddu qabtay. Rag badan oo horyaal u ahaa korordhka cilmiga sayniska ayaa ku god galay feker saliim ah oo ay la yimadeen oo ka soo horjeeday xeerarkii bulshada u yiil oo lahaa dabarro is barkinaya dabarka bulsho iyo xeerka bulsho.

Bulshooyinkan maantu waxay aad ugu horumareen siyaasad ahaan oo waxay gaadheen heer dhawr dadyow oo kala dhaqan duwan la iskugu keeno hal maamul siyaasadeed leh xeer wadareed iyagoo dhan maamula. Waxa taas barbar socota in dunida laftigeedii isku furan tay oo hadii waagii hore wabiyada iyo buuruhu xuduudo aan la dhaafi karin ahaayeen, maanta si sahlan baa labada daraf ee dunida la iskaga gooshi karaa.

Sidaasdarteed, waxa lama huraan noqotay in la qeexo xeer guud oo aadanuhu wadaago isaga oo ku kala duwan diinta, dhaqanka, afka, aragtida, aqoonta, horumarka maadiga ah iwm.

Markaas xorriyaddii qofku uu u qeexi jiray sida bulshadiisu u aragto waxay noqotay in loo qeexo si guud oo xeer lagu asteeyo. Markas baa la yidh xorriyadda qofka waa in la dhawraa si aan qof waliba dhiniciisa ugu halgamin si uu u dhacsado wuxuu u arko inay kaga maqan yihiin bulshada inteeda kale ama aanu uga caasiyoobin bulshada oo fawdadu u badan.

Isku qaska sida wax bulsho u aragto iyo xeerka u yaal waxay tiir wayn u tahay in bulshadu fawdo gasho waayo qof waliba si gaar ah ayuu u turjumanayaa arin kasta isaga oo ku doodaya inuu ku saleeyey caado soo jireen ah oo laga yaabo inuu u qaloociyay si isaga markaas u dan ah.

Xorriyadda markaas laga hadlayaa, marka xeer ahaan la eegayo, waa midda ku astaysan waxa bulshadu isla garawsatay iyada oo lagu salaynayo dabeecadda banii aadamka oo ah inaan midna midka kale ka xaq badnayn, ka sarayn oo aanu lahayn mudnaan u gaar ah. Markaa qof waliba wuxuu xor u noqday inaanu ka xishoon aragtidiisa oo aanu is odhan ka awoodda fadhiya ayaa kaa caqli badan ama kaa xoog badan, ee sida ay ula muuqato inuu u sheego hadii uu hayo aragti ku saabsan tusaale ahaan biyo xidheen webi soo fakada hadba, abaaro soo noq noqday, tuug naftii isugu keentay, hanti la wada lahaa oo la boobayo, awooddii oo si xun loo isticmaalay, halka ay tahay in bulshadu u jeesato iwm. Wuxu xor u noqday inuu dhaq dhaqaaqo, cibaadaysto, guursado inantuu tabo, ay guursto inankay rabto (iyada oo aan la eegin dabarka bulsho ee beel gaar ah diidaya guurkeeda), inuu xor ka noqdo gaajo oo ka lagu aaminay hantida guud uu u cadaalad qaybiyo dadka oo dhan, inuu xor ka noqda cabsi.

Dhibta maanta taagani waxay noqotay in dadka qaar ay fahmi waayeen qaarna ay ogaan isugu qaseen sadexda arimood ee aynu kor ku see sheegnay. Sadexdaas oo kala ah 1. Qofka iyo naftiisa (waxay rabto iyo waxay siiday) 2. Qofka iyo bulshadiisa 3.     Qofka iyo xeerka.

Xorriyaddu waxay ku salaysan tahay inaan dadku is adoonsan oo si cabiidsan, inaan qofna qof ka sarayn oo u awood sheegan, inaan qofna ama kooxina ku qasbin qof waxay rabto. Tusaale ahaan dadka diimaha samaawiga ah haysta (Islaamka iyo ehlu kitaabka) waxay aamisan yihiin in Ilaahay dadka abuuray oo uu isagu dunida keenay iyaga oo siman. Iyada oo taas laga duulayo waxa la asteeyey in aadnahaas Ilaahay abuuray ay kala xoroobaan oo qof waliba qofka kale xor ka noqdo, xorra u noqdo noloshiisa. Sidaas oo ay tahay hadii qofku isagu isku soo rogayo dabarro uu ku saleeyey diintiisa ama dhaqanka bulshadiisa ama rabitaankiisa shaqsiga ah cidina u diidi mayso. Waxaa se shardi ah in qofku xor ka yahay dadka kale. Garo oo hadii qofku yidhaahdo anigu Ilaahay xor kama ahi oo kharmiga ma cabayo, doofaarka ma cunayo iwm, xorriyadu u diidi mayso ee way dhiirigelinaysaa waayo xorriyaddu dadka ayay kala xorraysay ee qofna naftiisa weerar kuma aha. Sidaasdarteed baa xorriyad ka mid ah kuwa ugu muhiimsan ay tahay xorriyadda caqiiidada si loo ilaaliyo in qofku isaga oo Muslim ah, tuaale ahaan, uu ku dhex cibaadaysan karo bulsh Kiristan ama Hinduu u badan.

Xorriyaddu waa waxa ka taagta daran ka ilaaliya ka xoogga wayn, ka lacagta haysta ka ilaaliya ka faqiirka ah, ka badan ka ilaaliya ka yar. Xorriyaddu waa waxyaabihii u horeeyey ee diinta Islaamku ku soo kordhisay dunida: in dadku kala xoroob. Waxaa se yaab ah kun iyo afar boqol oo sano kadib, dadkii Muslimka ahaa laga baryayo inay qaataan wixii diintoodu u sheegtay waagaas. Waxaanan se ula yaabin wax badan oo diintu ina fartay baynu aasnay ama iska indho tirnaa ama cid kale u tirinaa lahaansheheeda.

Xorriyaddu waa hanti iyo xoog uu qofku leeyahay keligii waana waxa keliya ee ka ilaaliya qofka bulshada inteeda kale gaar ahaan kuwa xoogga badan ama lacagta badan. Bulsho waxay horumari kartaa inta ay leeg tahay xorriyadda ay siisay qofka. Waxa tusaale kuugu filan dal walba oo ka mid ah kuwa horumaray ee maanta jooga ama taariikhdu kuwa ay dhigtay ee waayo hore talin jiray. Sababta oo ah horumarka waxa keena fekerka. Waxana fekera qof haysta xorriyadda fekerka.

Guleid Ahmed Jama