Human Rights Centre sends condolence over the death of SOLJA Secretary General

We are deeply saddened to hear about the death of great journalist and freedom of speech activist, Mohamed Rashid Muhumed Farah, who was the secretary general of Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA). Mohamed was a man who stood for freedom of expression a moment many deserted.  

  

He was gentle, committed and brave soul. He stood with journalists in difficulty and never gave up.

 Human Rights Centre sends sincere condolences to the family and friends of Mohamed Rashid. 

Recommendations of Human Rights Centre annual report on human rights situation in Somaliland

To the government

·         Eliminate all barriers against women’s political participation;

·         End discrimination against women in all fields including employment and politics;

·         Provide the girls legal protection from Female Gentile Mutilation/Cutting, school drop outs, early and forced marriage;

·         Give women access to justice and eradicate obstacles that obstruct women access to justice;

·          Allocate quota for women at the council of ministers and senior government positions;

·         Criminalize female gentile mutilation/cutting;

·         Prepare draft family law that protects women;

·         Outlaw clan elders interference in prosecution of gender based violence including rape cases and domestic violence; and support victims of rape and prosecute the perpetrators in accordance with formal law;

·         Enact law that gives women legal protection from domestic violence;

·         End the crackdown of the independent media;

·         Lift the suspension from the banned newspapers of Haatuf, Hubaal, Somaliland Times and the Independent;

·          Permit independent radio stations to operate in Somaliland;

·         Ensure the safety and the liberty of journalists;

·           Permit demonstrations and end use of force against demonstrators;

·         Hold the upcoming 2015 elections and do not seek extension;

·         Make the state media open for all the political parties in egalitarian manner;

·         Refrain using state funds in election campaigns;  

·         Change the Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure code which predate the constitution;

·         Take all necessary measures to uphold the independence and the impartiality of the judiciary, and publicly affirm the independence of the judiciary from the Ministry of Justice;

·         Refrain from interfering in the judiciary. The judiciary shall have separate budget that it manages and controls;

·         The pre-trial rights enshrined in the constitution and the other laws of Somaliland shall be strictly followed. The Police shall be trained on human rights and supremacy of the law. Due process of law shall be duly applied. The government shall take necessary steps to stop Police corruption and shall investigate allegations of corruption. The Police shall be under the jurisdiction of the civilian law. The government shall establish independent committee that investigates the actions of Rapid Reaction Unit. The Unit shall be under the laws of Somaliland and shall respect the constitution. The Police particularly RRU shall stop invading the privacy of the people. The government shall set independent committee that investigates allegations of torture;

·         Withdraw the oppressive anti-terrorism law submitted to the parliament;

·         Review all the convictions of capital punishment and amend the Penal Code to reconsider the capital punishments;

·         Refrain from extraditing Somaliland citizens to another country, and return Abdilahi Sheikh Ibrahim who was extradited to Djibouti;

·         Do not deport persons to places that they may face persecution and human rights abuses;

·          Put an end the discrimination against minority clans and ensure that they are treated equally;

·         Take the responsibility of safeguarding the rights of children, and take necessary measures to protect the rights of children; stop child labor, and practice the best interest of the child;

·         Extend support and protection to the IDPs and refugees;

·         Establish ombudsman and anti-corruption commission;

·         End the discrimination and stigma against people living with HIV/AIDS.

   

To the House of Representatives:

·         Pass quota for women and minority clans;

·         Enact electoral laws for the elections of the House of Representatives and House of Elders;

·         Enact law that protects the people living with HIV/AIDS.

To the House of Elders

·         Refrain from postponing presidential and House of Representative elections;

·         Refrain extending your own term.

To the National Electoral Commission

·         Conduct fair and genuine voter registration;

·         Hold free and fair and genuine elections on time;

·         Carryout voter education program that is holistic and comprehensive so that all the citizens benefit from the awareness, particular attention shall be given to the rural and illiterate people who may not benefit from print media;

·         Electoral staff shall be trained as early as possible prior the election day so that they acquire the necessary skills and understanding.

To the political parties

·         Support quota for women and minority clans; 

·         Allocate more positions for women;

·         End the preference of male candidates over female candidates;

·         Enhance internal democracy within the political parties and develop culture of democracy based on non-discrimination.

To the civil society

·         Take active role in protecting, defending and promoting human rights;

·         Participate in the election observations to ascertain holding free and fair election;

·         Implement projects that are not entirely donor driven;

·         Be independent from the political contests and respect the neutrality of the nongovernmental organizations. 

To the donors 

·         Press Somaliland government to implement the recommendations stated in this report;

·         Avoid assisting law enforcement agencies that violate the rights of the people;

·         Ensure the government to uphold transparency and accountability. 

To the government of United Kingdom

·         Stop supporting Rapid Reaction Unit unless the unit respects the constitution and the other laws of the country;

·         Make sure your support to the law enforcement agencies does not harm.

The executive summary of Human Rights Centre Annual Report on Human Rights Situation in Somaliland

Somaliland is unrecognized African state located in Horn of Africa. On 18^th May 1991 Somaliland declared independence from Somali Republic. Somaliland and Somalia united in July 1960. The union came after Somaliland gained independence from UK in June 1960 and voluntarily joined with Italian Somalia. Military government which came in power in coup by the year of 1969 was ousted by rebel groups in 1991. Somaliland announced separation in that same year after years of war between the military rule and Somali National Movement (SNM). 

 Somaliland started reconciliation conferences that has resulted the formation of presidential system of governance where clan and democracy are intermingled to sustain peace. Clan plays pivotal role in Somaliland’s socioeconomic and political environment. State institutions were built from the scratch and government services were commenced slowly. The private sector initiated business and Diaspora remits money that expands economic sectors.

Peace and security are prioritized over human rights in Somaliland. As Human Rights Watch report in 2009 is titled “Hostages of Peace”, Somaliland is over obsessed with peace in a manner that compromises fundamental freedoms and rights. As unrecognized country, other states treat Somaliland as part of Somalia, a nation sparked by anarchy and chaos. Hence Somaliland’s peace is perceived by the international community as positive progress. Therefore, Somaliland’s political status creates confusion that negatively impacts on human rights. Additionally, there are no embassies in Somaliland for foreign nations, and prominent international advocacy organizations have no presence in Somaliland. Somaliland is forgotten nation left for its own. 

In hope of transforming the clan system into democracy, Somalilanders in landslide voted in approval for constitution in 2001. The constitution establishes multiparty system and guarantees fundamental rights and freedoms. Nevertheless, clan domination and election postponement challenge the aspiration of Somalilanders. 

Somalilanders enjoy democracy that provides considerable rights and freedoms. The political status of Somaliland and its location make Somaliland’s success good example for the rest of Horn of African countries.  Somaliland is compared with its neighbours who are either in anarchy or in dictatorship rule. Such comparison misleads the fact on the ground. The international community is focused on Somalia (famously called South-Central Somalia).This leaves the Somalilanders in huge danger. The absence of strong international pressure grants to the government of Somaliland to act in impunity.

The global war on terror which Somaliland government is partner also complicates the situation in Somaliland.  The security agendas and strategies overshadow human rights abuses in Somaliland. The civil society in Somaliland implements only donor driven projects making them very inactive and ineffective in performing their primary responsibilities. The weakness of the civil society strengthens the government which exercises its powers with no or little accountability.

The law enforcement agencies are not reformed to comply with the constitution of Somaliland. The military culture inherited from Siyad Barre regime still dominates the behaviour of the law enforcement agencies. People are arrested for failure of payment of debt. Convicts remain in custody until civil liabilities are paid.

 HRC has found that Somaliland Police use torture to extract information. Beating is widely used method of torture. Confession is also received on coercion, inducement and promise. HRC interviewees told that police investigators demand payment from the victims and accused persons. This complicates the attainment of justice for poor and vulnerable people who are in many times forced by the Police to reach settlement with the perpetrator. 

The police stations are used as detention centres in most of the regions particularly Hargeisa, the capital and the most populous city. Hence instead of remanding suspects to prison, they are remanded to the Police stations which are not structured to hold suspects more than 48 hours. The Police stations which are overcrowded, lack all the necessary facilities and its conditions are harsh and inhumane. The inmates rely on their families, if any, on food, water, health and all of their needs. Those without family that supports are held in custody without food. There are no sanitation, clean water supplies and medical support in the Police stations.

Somaliland Police enjoy total impunity. There is no judiciary that could challenge the actions of the Police.

Highly feared police unit called Rapid Reaction Unit (RRU) is paramilitary police unit trained by the government of United Kingdom to combat terrorism. UK government trains and provides financial and technical support to RRU. The Unit does not have publicized written mandate. It works in secretive manner. The Unit violates Somaliland laws when conducting its operations. It uses excessive force against civilians. RRU has distinct black uniform separate from the Police and its members wear masks.

The Unit has been used for political purposes in many occasions. RRU confronted with peaceful protestors in Hargeisa on 13^th April 2014 and 28^th December 2013. RRU terrorizes the people and violates the basic rights of the people.  Because the Police in general enjoy impunity, the actions of RRU are not investigated.

Somaliland is situated in Horn of Africa next to the troubled neighbouring country of Somalia where radical militants are fighting against African troops authorized by the UN Security Council. In disguise of the so called global war on terror, Somaliland treats differently the people arrested or accused of terrorism. Due process of law is not followed.      

Somaliland does not have law for counter terrorism. But in this year, the Council of Ministers passed a bill of Law on Combating and Preventing Terrorism. The draft bill submitted to the House of Representatives violates the constitution and the international human rights law.

Although the constitution guarantees equal participation, the political system of Somaliland is dominated by men. Women face obstacles presented by the clan domination of the society. Women do not enjoy their political, social, economic and cultural rights equally with men and are victims of increasing gender based violence including rape, domestic violence and female gender mutilation.  The state failed to protect women from the customary law which treats women as inferior. Even at the judiciary, clan elders’ interventions hinder justice for women. Absence of family law in Somaliland subjects women under male dominated culture and system. Women are also underrepresented at workplaces. 

The judiciary branch of Somaliland consists of the courts and the office of the attorney general. The constitution states that the judiciary is independent from the executive and the parliament. But in practice such independence does not exist. The executive branch has huge influence in the judiciary.

 Judges are selected on the basis of clan backing. Hence clans have influence in the judiciary. This gives the majority and strong clans a power to undermine the independence of the judiciary and marginalize the minority and weaker clans. Furthermore, the judiciary lacks accountability and transparency.

The constitution guarantees freedom of expression and independence of media. There are about 11 independent newspapers in Hargeisa, and three independent TV stations. Additionally, there are numerous websites and blogs. In the other hand, there are government owned media. Somaliland citizens enjoy freedom to express their opinion.  

  However, the activities of Somaliland journalists are impeded by detention, trial, harassment, beating and denial of access to information.  23 journalists were arrested in this year. Four newspapers, Haatuf, Hubaal, The Independent and Somaliland Times are suspended in Somaliland since December 2013. On 25^th June 2014 Hargeisa Regional Court sentenced Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, chairman of Haatuf Media Group, and Ahmed Ali Ege, Editor-in-chief of Haatuf, newspaper to three years and four years of imprisonment, respectively. They were also fined to fifty million Somaliland Shillings. The defendants were not given chance to defend themselves. The court only heard the prosecution office. The journalists were later released after the president pardoned.

 Vulnerable people including minority clans, children, IDPs, refugees and people with disability are disfranchised in Somaliland. People living with HIV/AIDS are discriminated and stigmatized. 

Hargeysi maxay ka baran kartaa Xamar?

Caasimadda dalka dhibaataysan ee Soomaliya waxay astaan u ahayd in kabadan labaatan sano dagaal iyo macaluul. Cid walba oo Somaliya maqashaa waxa u sawirmaysa dhibaato. Balse cod bixintii todobaadkan ka dhacday Xamar waxay ahayd tusaale ka duwan wixii lagu yiqiin caasimadda colaadaha, Xamar.

In kasta oo ay ahayd wax aan wanaagsanayn sharci ahaan iyo siyaasad ahaanba qaabkii looga keenay soo jeedinta codka kalsoonida in loo qaado raysal wasaaraha Soomaaliya, iyo sidoo kale qaabkii fawdada ahaa ee taageerayaashiisu isku dayeen inay ku horjoogsadaan, hadana waxa u baahan in dhacdooyinkaas si is-bar bar dhigis ah loogu eego wixii ka dhacay isla ayaamahaas Hargeysa, caasimadda Somaliland.

 Somaliland waa dal dimqoraadi ah oo madaxdiisa ku xusha doorasho toos ah oo dadwaynuhu u codeeyaan hogaamiyaha ama sharci dejiyaha ay doonayaan. Waxay leedahay dastuur lagu mahadiyay in qaabka uu u qoran yahay iyo axkaamta ku jirtaa inay yihiin mid ka mid ah dastuurada aduunka ugu wanaagsan. Xamar iyo xaalkeeda siyaasadeed waxan ku bilaabay qoraalkaygan. Balse sharci ahaan, dadka hogaamiya waxa soo xulay odayo qabileed. Dastuurka waxa u codeeyey dad aan la soo dooran oo tiro kooban ah, waana ku meel gaadh. Dastuurkaasi ma dhigo mabaadi cad cad oo ku kala aroora labada hab maamul ee maanta dunida ugu caansan midkood; habka baarlamaaniga iyo habka madaxtooyada.

Iyada oo waaqiciga labada dal uu caykaas kala yahay, ayaa xeer-dejiyayaasha labada dal waxa bishii dhamaatay khal khaliyey muran ku aroora xil ka qaadista raysal wasaraha (waa Xamar e) iyo gudoomiyaha Golaha Wakiilada (waa Hargeysa e). Xalka labadaas khilaaf oo warka war-baahinta af Soomaaliga wax ku tebisaa meel sare kaga jiray, waxa lagu xalliyay laba hab oo kala duwan.

Hargeysa, waa dalkii dimqraadiga ahaaye, way u suuroobi wayday inay sharciga ku kala baxan. Qof baa ku dhinta lix kalena way ku dhaawacantay. Tiro dad ahina xorriyadooda ayay ku waayeen. Markii laga baqay in muranka ka dhexeeya xubnaha Golahaasi inuu keeno dhibaato amni, waa la dhex dhexaadiyay oo waxa lagu dhameeyey tanaasul.

Xamar, waa dalkii colaaduhu ka jireene, ugu danbeeyntii xubnihii goluhu waxay isla garteen inay sharciga ku kala baxaan. Iyaga oo aan weli ku qanacsanayn sida wax u dhaceen, hadana waxay ogolaadeen natiijadii ka dhalatay go’aankii baarlamaanka. Ogaalkay cidina kuma dhiman, kumana dhaawacmin, cid xoriyadeeda ku waydayna ma jirto.

Hadaba, dalkayga Somaliland oo dhawr iyo toban sano dabada hayay dimqoraadiyad, muxuu garan waayay oo Xamar oo aan dawlad helin dhawr iyo labaatan sanno ay garatay? Jawaabtu waxay tahay in (1) Xamar khilaaafkeedii ku xalishay sharcigii u yiil (2) Hargeysi inay ku kala bixi wayday sharcigii (3) Raysal wasaarihii Somaliya wuxuu doorbiday inuu sharciga raaco halkii uu dabada gelin lahaa reerkiisa oo colaad qabiileed hurin laha (4) gudoomiyihii Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland wuxuu door biday inuu fawdo kiciyo si uu u ilaashado kursigiisa (5) madaxwaynaha Soomaliya wuxuu doorbiday inuu ixtiraamo xasaanadda iyo sharafta xubnihii baarlamaanka ee ay is-hayeen (6) madaxwayanaha Somalilanad wuxuu doorbiday inuu ku tunto sharafta iyo xasaanada xubnaha baarlamaanka iyo aqalka laftiisaba. Waad xasuusataa in shan xildhibaan la xidhay, ciidana lagu wareejiyay dhismaha Golaha Wakiilada.  

Intaba way ku saxnayd Xamar, wayna ku qaldanayd Hargeysi. Sidaasdarteed, Somaliland waa inay ka barataa Xamar in lagu kala baxo sharciga ee aan la isku mashquulin tanaasul eel ka taga iyo in milil dushii la dhayo maalin walba oo aan damaqiisu dhamaan.

Hadii dadka reer Somaliland aay maalin walba khal-khal geliso codbixin ka dhex jirta aqalka hoose ee baarlamaanka, su’aashu waxay tahay lamaaha dawladeed ee aynu dhisanay ma waxay u taagan yihiin inay ina geliyaan rabshad mise inay noqdaan fagaare lagu doodo oo lagu xalliyo khilaafka iyada oo la raacayo shuruucda u taal? Jawaabtu waa kugu adi, hadaad reer Somaliland tahay, hadii kale ha isku mashquulin.   

Continuity of political turmoil in Somaliland

Since 2003 presidential election in which the then incumbent won on small margin, about two hundred votes, political crisis are part and parcel of every day political life of this unrecognized poor country. Majority of the citizens are unaware of or uninterested the contents of the quarrel between the political elites. Election postponement and extension of terms are mostly what causes the crisis.   

Somaliland is praised for solving its conflicts peacefully trough what is called “compromise”. Somaliland politicians proudly argue that compromise is what makes Somaliland different from Somalia. But, what do they mean compromise?  Compromise is meant in here resolving dispute peacefully even if the agreement violates the constitution. There have been incidents where the parties agreed terms that are contrary to the constitution. Furthermore, compromise handicaps the constitution and the institutions founded to solve constitutional or legal stand of. Compromise undermines the rule of law. It enabled the politicians to sideline the law and agree outside of the law.

The solutions reached in compromise are short lived. You see in Somaliland the persistence and repetition of same conflicts over time. The same fact that has been resolved creates new and fresh conflict because it has never been faced properly. Students of conflict and peace studies also will agree with the fact that wrong conflict resolution mechanism does not solve the conflict but it appeases and then it resurfaces thereafter. Therefore, compromise has never solved conflict in Somaliland.

Compromise also paralyses the institutions that are established to become forum for discussion. The Parliament which comprises of members from different and opposing political parties is institution whose procedure embraces debate. But in Somaliland, every parliamentary debate evolves into political and sometimes clan conflict. Why? The parliament has never been allowed to debate and reach decision on vote where the majority wins. Whenever sensitive issue is brought to the House of Representatives the minority side choices to escalate the issue into violence and organizes the public. Violence occurs in the House and the Parliamentarians use force instead of vote. Boxing replaces the show of hands. Compromise is then how the matter is later resolved.

It was February this year when severe political crises emanated from normal parliamentary debate that has evolved into serious clan and political tension was solved when the parties agreed on very vague terms. The whole issue started from bill on voter registration and national identity cards distribution. Few weeks later, the same issue is on the table again. The members of the House of Representative disagreed and mobilized supporters to take on the streets. On 15^th November one person was killed and six others were injured in Buroa after police fired to protesters. Life was lost because of political failure and poor conflict resolution mechanism.    

The so called “compromise” labeled as the secret that saved Somaliland is the very threat to its existence. If Somaliland politicians do not apply the law and permit the institutions to perform their tasks, compromise will back fire.

Kacaankii 21kii October Dabadii Soomaalidii Meeday?

21kii October 1969 habeenkii la sii gelbiyay labaatankii October lana ibo furay 21kii October waa mid Soomaali meel ay joogtoba ay ka wada dheregsan tahay, midba si gaar ah ha ugu suntanaadee. October oo dharaartaas horteed dadka Soomalida dhexdeeda bil caadiya ka ahayd waxay noqotay maalinta malaha ugu caansan dharaaraha soo mara Soomali.

Ciidamadii Soomalida ee u darbanaa inay difaacaan qarankoodii Soomaaliyeed oo taasna ku mutaystay muxibiyo kalgacal waxay aroortaas afka dhulka u dareen dawladii rayidka ahayd ee dadka Soomaaliyeed soo doorteen, balse caanka ku noqotay musuqmaasuq, doorasho lagu shubto iyo eex. Sidaasdarteed, ciidankii aroortaas riday waxay Soomalidu ku soo dhowaysay sacab iyo heeso amaan ah. Yaab malaha oo hab maamuleedkii rayidka ahaa ayaa khaatiyaan la iska taagay wixii bedelaana dheeman uun baa loo arkayay iyo gurmad xagga Eebe ka yimi.

Heesihiii iyo amaantii sida ikhyaarka ah ku bilaaban tay waxay waagii danbe isku rogeen in qasab iyo xoog lagaga dhigo in dadku amaaanan waxa markii danbe loogu yeedhay kacaanka iyo hogaamiyihiisii amaaanta jeclaa ee Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Odayga oo dadka badankiisu ka hor afgenibigaas aan la aqoon waxa uu noqday caan. Dadka qaar waxay u yaqaaniin hogaamiye wadani ah oo majaraha u qabtay qaranka isaga oo fulinaya siyaasadihii kacaanka barakaysan. Hogaamiyahaas oo jabhado beelaysani iyaga oo raadinaya dano qabileed ay rideen. Dadka qaarna waxay u yaqaaniin hogaamiye habaar qaba ah oo umada Soomaaliyeed oo mid ah intuu xoog ku qabsaday xasuuq iyo layn ba’an u geystay. Labadan doodood waxay ku salaysan yihiin dabcan halkaad kaga noolayd Jamhuuriyadii Soomaalida ee odaygu mar ku amar ku taaglayn jiray.

Waxa se taas kaba sii daran, in burburkii dawladii Maxamed ay dadka qaarna u horseeday nabad iyo barwaaqo qaarna dab iyo holac dabintiisa loo maaro iyo aayo waayay. Markaa ha la yaabin qofka dhicidda Siyaad ay kow ugu ahayd dagaal iyo colaad. Hana dhibsanin ka xornimo iyo nabadi kow u ahayd maalintii Ina Barre dalka laga saaray. Odaygu waa magacya badnaa markaa ha ila yaabin hadaan dhawr magac oo kala jaad ah soo qaatay. Hooyaday waxay u taqaan Af-wayne.

21tan sano dabadeed markii uu dalka haystay waa laga caydhiyay dalkii uu haystay. Mooji waxa isaga tirada kow iyo labaatan daba dhigay e, kow iyo labaatanku farxad iyo murugay u ahayd isaga. Hada waa inaga hooseeyaa oo tuur tuurkiisu ku tiigaali mayno. Geeridiisa dabadeed dadka qaar markay magaciisa maqlaan Eebe ha u naxariisto bay yidhaahdaan qaarna Eebe cadaabta ha ku fogeeyo. Mid mahadiya iyo mid nacladaba waxay tani tusaale u tahay in Odaygu u yahay astaan kala fogaanshaha Soomaalida. Waa taariikh ninba meel ka akhriyaa oo aan isqaadanayn. Sidee markaas la isugu keeni karaa ninka Siyaad halyeey u yahay iyo ka uu dhiig yacab u yahay. Ninkii kii Af-wayne riday dagaal ooge u yahay iyo ka uu mujaahid hanuun san u yahay. Waa hal xidhaale ay tahay in Soomaalida qaarkeed oo aanay u dhaadhacsanayn inay garwaaqsato.

45 sano dabadeed 21kii October 1969 iyo 24 sano dabadeed 1991kii, waa sanadkii kacaanku dhashay iyo kii uu dhintay e, Soomaalidii uu u talin jiray Siyaad waxay maanta kala joogaan laba xaaladood oo kala tagan. Waa kuwo colaad iyo dhiig dhex dabaalanaya oo u taag la sidii ay mar uun uga bixi lahaayeen nolosha ay ku jiraan Siyaadna dib ha u soo noqdo haduu doono e. Iyo kuwo badhaadhe dhex jiifoo noloshu u roon tahay.

Waa aduun iyo xaalkiiyoo la yaab ma laha e aan is cadeyee (waa gebegobo qoraalkani) hadaad is waydiinaysay labada midkaan ku jiro akhriste, anigu Siyaad dabadii waa dheg dheer dhimatoo dhulkii nabad. Adse hadaad dhinaca kale tahay duco iga qabo in Eebe ka saaro belada iyo sharka, adna ha ka masuugin inaad aqoonsatid in labada kala duwan yihiin oo waayuhu aanu ku noqon doonin halkuu joogay 21kii October 1969. 

Falaqayn buugga, Xadka Riddada: Maxaa Ka Run Ah?

Buugga xadka ridda: maxaa ka run ah? Waxa qoray Siciid A. Ismaaciil. Buugani wuxuu ka dhaliyay bulshada Soomaalida ah dhexdeeda buuq iyo qaylo dheer sababta oo ah qaar ka mid ah wadaada loogu ixtiraamka badan yahay Soomalida dhexdeeda ayaa si adag u canbaareeyey ilaa xad ay gaadheen inay ku tilmaameen mid diinta ka soo horjeeda, qoraaguna inuu ku gefay diinta Islaamka.

Waxan fursad u helay inaan akhriyo buugan kadib markii nin aan saaxiib nahay ila soo wadaagay. Balse taas ka hor waxan dhegaystay culimo maagaysa qoraaga buuga. Markaan dhameeyey akhriska buuga waxan goostay inaan falayqan kooban ka qoro nuxurka buugaasi sido.

Sida ka muuqata cinwaanka buugga, qoraagu wuxuu awoodda saaray inuu ka jawaabo waydiinta ah inuu diinta waafaqsan yahay xadka lagu xukumo qofka ka baxa diinta Islaamka. Hadii aan soo koobana wuxuu ku doodayaa inaanu jirin xukun ay tahay in ifka la saaro qofka diinta ka baxa balse Eebe aakhiro ku xisaabinayo. Doodiisa wuxuu ku salaynayaa aayado Quraan ah iyo culimo Muslimiin ah oo la aragti ah qoraaga.

Taas ka sokow qoraagu wuxuu si qoto dheer u iftiimanayaa dood ay yar tahay in lagu arko dadka Soomalida ah dhex dooda. Caadiyan Soomalida waxa u caado ah in waxa wadaadku yidhaahdo sidiisa loo qaato gar iyo gar darroba. La isma waydiiyo in wadaadku waxa uu gudbinayaa tahay diintii Islaamka iyo inay tahay sida uu u fahmay diinta Islaamka. Sidaasdarteed, buugu wuxuu si xirfadaysan u carinayaa qofka Soomaaliga ah si uu u baraarugo oo uu awood ugu yeesho inuu kala saaro aragtida wadaadka iyo diinta.

Qoraagu wuxuu adeegsaday tixraac badan oo aayado quraan ah, axaadiis iyo kutub isugu jira. Waxa aan shaki ku jirin in qof kasta oo ka aragti duwan ama u arka waxa uu qoray inuu diinta ka soo horjeedo inuu qalin iyo buug qaato oo uu ku beeniyo buug leeg ama la mug ah ka uu qoray Siciid, islamarkaaana leh tixraaca ku xardhan buugan. Intii aan akhriyayey buug Soomaali qoray waa buuga ugu tixraaca badan ee aan arkay. Sidaasdarteed, qudbad la jeediyaa ma burin karto afkaarta iyo dooda buuggan ku jirta.

Inkasta oo aanan ku doodayn inaan raacsanahay ama durayo nuxurka qoraaga, hadana waxa ii cadaatay markaan akhriyay buuga in waxa ku qorani aanay ahayn wax cusub ama wax uu jeebkiisa kala soo baxay, balse inay tahay dood hore uga dhex taagnayd bulshada Islaamka. Markaas in isaga la dulsaaro eed gaar ahi waxay u dhigan tahay in ujeedadu tahay in loo diido dadka Soomalida ah inay akhriyaan buugaas waayo waxa run ah in qofka akhriyaa uu garawsanayo in waxa laga sheegayo buugga iyo waxa ku qorani aanay is-lahayn.

Taas waxa dheer in buugu uu iftiiminayo in mar walba dadka siyaasadda ku jira ama kuwa danaha gaarka ah lihi inay u adeegsadaan diinta ujeedadooda si ay ugu beer laxawsadaan bulshada Islaamka ah. Waxa taas cadayn u ah in al Shabaab iyo ururada la aragtida ahi ay u adeegsadaan diinta siyaasadohooda qalafsan. Markaas in aanay macquul ahayn inaad qof walba oo ku andacooda inuu diin kuu sheegayo inaad warkiisa raacdid.

Waxan hubaa in dad badan oo Soomaali ahi ay ka boodeen buugan iyo qoraaga ba, waxan se idinku boorin lahaa inaad horta akhridaan intaaydaan xukumin. Caqli maaha inaad qofka xukuntid adiga oo aan ogayn dembiga uu galay. Sidoo kale, waa in loo dulqaata aragtiyaha kala duwan iyo in dadku doodi karaan.

Buugani wuxu ibo furay dood qiime gaar ah u leh bulshada Soomalida ah oo aan inteeda badani aqoon u lahayn afka Carabiga. Taasina ay ku keentay inay qaataan wax walba oo wadaadka u fasirayaa u sheego.

Maaha abaalka qoraaga buugan in lagu xukumo inuu yahay diin laawe, balse waxay ahayd in laga hadal siiyo oo doodiisa la dhegaysto cidii diidanina durto. Qofka xaqa hayaa maaha inuu ka baqo cidda la doodaysa. Sidaasdarteed, waxa u furan wadaadada inay la doodaan qoraagan oo anay ka cabsoon oo ay buriyaan wuxuu ku dooday iyaga oo aan hafrayn, waa hadii ay hayaan waxay ku diidan yihiin oo asal leh.

Ugu danbayntii aniga ha igu xukumin inaan ku raacsanahay ama diidanahay qoraaga. Balse waxad ii qaadataa inaan ahay qof aaminsan in doodu furan tahay oo aan dadka lagu adoonsan afkaar gaar ah balse loo ogolaado inay diintoda bartaan oo ay ogaadaan afkaaraha kala duwan ee jira. Ugu danbayntii, anigu wax aqoon ah uma lihi qoraaga shaqsiyan, ismana naqaan. 

The North Waziristan of Somaliland: Sanaag regional administration poses threat to the world peace

North Waziristan is tribal region in Pakistan under the control of tribesmen. The region bordering with Afghanistan is stronghold of Pakistani Taliban and al Qaida. There are similarities between Sanaag of Somaliland and North Waziristan of Pakistan. This commentary explains the similarities of the two regions, and the threat the local administration failures could pose to the world peace. 

 Sanaag is the least developed region and one of the two most insecure regions (the other one is Sool) in Somaliland. Sanaag, east of Somaliland, is the largest region with the longest coastline in the country.  The majority of its inhabitants live in the rural areas. Many factors have been pointed as the cause of the setback and the backwardness of the region. These articulations include the border conflict between Somaliland and Puntland. Such claim overshadowed the root causes and the more important catalysts of the problem.

It is true that Sanaag is in the heart of serious border conflict that has many times escalated into violence, but the fact on the ground is that such border syndrome is far less important for the local people. There are other core issues that make the region the North Waziristan of Somaliland.

Sanaag is tribal region in which the clans have the rein of power. The government structures are weak and are swallowed by the dominant power, the clan. Nepotism and corruption undermine the peace and create quagmire. The ministries and the other government agencies are infiltrated by clansmen. The Police and the courts are the worst. Always those clans in alliance with the government have the upper hand and use the government power against the others.

The educated class migrated from the region to the other parts of the country and Puntland. University graduates flood to Hargeisa and Buroa of Somaliland and Bosaso and Garowe of Puntland. Hence the doctors, nurses and other professionals leave from the region. The wards of Erigavo Hospital for instance are homes of the lost and unclaimed goats. Pregnant women die for birth complications and have no opportunity for medical care.  Child mortality is high. The failure of the regional administration causes the death of vulnerable people who are in dire need of help.

Illegal arrests are common and security committee, outlawed by the president, operates in Sanaag in judicial capacity. The governor has the power to order arrest and release on his discretion. He also has the power to sentence someone. These actions are in violation of the constitution of Somaliland. Article 37(2) states “The structure of the state shall consist of three branches which are: the legislative, the executive and the judiciary. The separation of the powers of these branches shall be as set out in the Constitution. Each branch shall exercise independently the exclusive powers accorded to it under the Constitution.” Article 97 of the constitution provides the power of adjudication to the Judiciary Branch. The executive branch has no power what so ever to hear criminal case and issue verdict of conviction or acquittal.

Although Sanaag is part of Somaliland and the constitution is applicable to the country as whole, the citizens of Sanaag are so unfortunate. They are not able to exercise the constitutional rights or to enjoy the constitutional protection.

The illegal arrests, corruption, and clan prowess created chaos and anarchy in poverty-stricken region where aid agencies have little presence because of the security. 

In the east of the region, the mountains called Galgala are safe-haven for al Shabaab terror group. Galgala branch of al Shabaab has waged war on Puntland in many times. Terrorists could expand to the region taking the plight of the people as opportunity.

Al Shabaab is facing military defeats in Somalia. The African troops and the military of the government of Mogadishu are pushing al Shabaab out of the main cities. The mountainous region, of Sanaag is the best option for them. Economically and politically backward, and the people in misery and fed up of clansmen rule and nepotism, Sanaag is place where the terrorists can target to operate freely and establish themselves. Yemen is only the other side of the red sea.

The actions of the regional administration of Sanaag under the helm of the governor are very dangerous and could pose international threat to the world peace. It is such local matters of this kind that has given al Shabaab to revive and flourish in Somalia. It is the responsibility of the central government here in Hargeisa to make sure the worst scenario not to happen. 

Sadex astaamood oo ay wadaagaan Muqdisho iyo gobolka Sanaag

Laga yaabee inaad markaba is waydiiso sidee la isku barbar dhigi karaa gobol ka tirsan Somaliland oo ah dal nabad ah iyo caasimadda Somaliya oo dhawr iyo labaatan sanadood dagaal ka dhex taagnaa. Balse xaqiiqdu waxay tahay in gobolka Sanaag uu astaamo badan la wadaago Xamar.

Kow, waa marka hore e dawlad taag daran baa ka jirta Sanaag si la mid ah Xamar. Dawladnimadu si run ah uma gaadhsiisna Sanaag. Laba, saraakiisha ay dawladdu u diratay Sanaag oo ugu horeeyo badhasaabku waxay u afduuban yihiin qabaa’il. Sidaasdarteed, cidda sida dhabta ah uga talisa Sanaag waa beelo ee maaha dawladda. Waa ta sadexaad e, maadamaa oo anay ka jirin dawlad xoogan iyo nidaam sharciyeed oo shaqaynaya, waxuu hoy u noqday gobolku cadaalad darro. Garsoorka Sanaag, booliiska iyo maamulka gobolku intuba waxay ku suntan yihiin cadaalad darro iyo nidaam xumo.

Sadexdaas arimood ba waxa gobolka Sanaag uu kala siman yahay Muqdisho. Hadaba, su’aashu waxay tahay sadexdaas astaamood maxay tahay natiijada ka dhalataa? Jawaabta waxa si fudud looga eegi karaa nolosha ay ku sugan tahay Muqdisho: dagaalo sokeeye, dil iyo dawlad la’aan. Markaas hadii aan dawladda Somaliland wax ka qaban dhibaatada ka jirta Sanaag waxa aan shaki ku jirin in gobolka u wayn Somaliland ay soo wajihi doonto xaalad aan u roonayn gobolka iyo dalka intiisa kaleba.

Waxan maalmaha soo socda qalinka u qaatay in si taxane ah aan uga hadlo dhibaatooyinka ka jira gobolkaas iyo ashqaasta sida gaarka ah ugu guntay abuuridda nidaam xumo iyo hab siyaasadeed beelaysan. Taas oo ay ku ladhan tahay si xun u isticmaal awoodda dawladda. Ujeedada maqaaladani maaha in lagu waxyeeleeyo ashqaastaas balse waa in lagu hoga tusaaleeyo iyaga dawladda dhexena la tuso xaaladda dhabta ah ee ka jirta halkaas. Waxan sidoo kal filayaa in akhristayaashu ila wadaagi doonaan wixii xog ah ee ay hayaan. 

Jibuuti ma cadowbaa mise saaxiib Somaliland

Waxa ayaamahan war-baahintu tebinaysay inuu xidhan yahay xadka u dhexeeya Somaliland iyo jamhuuriyadda yar ee dhinaca galbeed kaga beegan. Waxay tani keensanaysaa inaynu is waydiino Jibuuti cadow iyo saaxiib midkay u tahay Somaliland. Qoraalkan koobanna midkaas baynu isku dul taagaynaa.

 Dawladda dadkeedu na fara ku tiriska yihiin ee Jibuuti waxa u badan dadka dega Soomaali. Umadda Soomalida ah gaar kuwa Somaliland waxay u gurmadeen Jibuuti markay ku jirtay halgankii xoriyadda. Dadwaynaha Jibuuti iyo dawladoodu umay abaal gudin Somaliland markii sideetanaadkii shacabku kula jireen halganka dawladdi keligii taliska ahayd ee Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Xadka Jibuuti uma furnayn dadka ka cararayay xasuuqii Faqashta. Waxa sidoo kale xusuusta reer Somaliland aan ka go’ayn dadaalkii dawladda Jibuuti u gashay sidii ay u baabiin lahayd jabhadii SNM. Waxay ahayd maalin ka mid ah kuwii ugu qadhaadhaa ee SNM soo mara markii madaxwaynihii Jibuuti Xasan Guuleed uu heshiisiiyay labadii madaxwayne ee Somaliya iyo Ethiopia si loo cidhib tiro jabhadii SNM.

Inkasta oo Jibuuti hagardaamo wayn u geysatay shacabka Somaliland dharaarahaas oo reer Somaliland si wayn ugu baahnaayeen in Jibuuti u hiiliso ama nabad geliso, hadana shacabka Somaliland wax aargoosi ah uma gaysan jamhuuriyadda aan xooga badan lahayn ee Jibuuti. Nasiib darro, Jibuuti weligeed ma joojin cadaawadda qaawan ee ay ku hayso shacabka la dersika ah ee Somaliland. Dawladii Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal way ka warhaysay dibindaabyada Jibuuti. Xidhiidh labada dal ka dhexeeyayna ma jirin. Xadka u dhexeeya Somaliland iyo Jibuutina waxa joogay ciidan aad u badan oo Somaliland leedahay. Waayo Jibuuti waxay ahayd cadow wayn oo  Somaliland leedahay. Waxa marag ah in aaskii Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal wefti Jibuuuti u soo dirtay si ay uga qaybgalaan, dawladda Somaliland diyaaradii siday weftigaas hawada ayay ka celisay.

Markii xukuumadda cusub ee Axmed Siilaanyo timid xukunka Somaliland, dawladda Jibuuti roog cas bay u dhigtay Axmed Siilaanyo. Waxay dad badan ula muuqatay in xidhiidhka labada dal is bedelayo. Balse dadka sida dhow ula socday arimaha waxay hubeen in aan Jibuuti ka toobad keeni doonin kana waantoobi doonin ficiladeeda guracan. Tan danbe ayaa rumooday.

In kasta oo dawladihii isaga soo danbeeyey Somaliland ay iska caabiyi jireen Jibuuti, waxa dhab ah in Jibuuti ay ka gacan sarayso dawladda hada xilka haysa oo jilbaha dhulka u dhigatay cadowga Somaliland.

Waxa intaas dheer in Ismaaciil Cumar Geele, madaxwaynaha Jibuuti, uu ka samaystay Somaliland taageerayaal. Lacagta faraha badan ee Jibuuti ku laaluushto dad badan oo reer Somaliland ah waxay aamusiisay cidii ka hor iman lahayd cadowtinimada Jibuuti. Waxayna si cad saamayn ugu leedahay Jibuuti siyaasiyiin reer Somaliland ah oo muxaafid iyo mucaaradba leh.

Jibuuti waxay mar walba olole uga gashaa fagaarayaasha diblomaasiyadeed sidii aanay Somaliland u helin ictiraaf, xidhiidhka u dhexeeya Somaliland iyo bulshada caalamkuna u xumaado. Nasiibdarro, hadii aad kala garan waydo cadowgaaaga iyo saaxiibkaaga waa masiibo wayn.

Waxan kula talin lahaa shacabka Somaliland in aanay noqon kuwo iloowshiimo dhow oo aan caadifadda iyo indho sarcaadka kuwo Jibuuti ka dhex hadasho aanay ka qarin xaqiiqda dhabta ah. Waana in siyaasiyiinta iska fogeyn waaya cadowga Somaliland shacabku mariyaan abaalka ay xaqa u leeyihiin.

Ku socota dawlada Israel

Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland waxay ku taal cidhifka bari ee u janjeedha badda cas ee wajahaysa dhulka Carabtu degto. Waa gobolka loo yaqaan Geeska Afrika. Dalka Somaliland taariikhdiisu waa mid guun ah oo waayo dheer soo taxnayd dibna ugu noqonaysa kumanana sano ka hor. Gumaystihii Afrika qaybsaday waxa ku soo hagaagay Somaliland boqortooyada midawday (UK) oo mudo ku siman sideetan sano nala joogtay. Inkasta oo aan gumaysiga Afrikada kale aragtay aanan la kulmin hadana xiligaas waxanu ku tirinaa dharaarihii gumaystaha.

Markii gumaysigu ka tegay dhulkayaga 26 June 1960 kii waxannu noqonay dal madaxbanaan oo ka mid ah qaramada xorta ah ee dunida. Intii reer Yurub geyiga Soomaaliyeed joogeen waxa uu dhul Somaliland leedahay uu u gacan geliyay dalka aanu deriska nahay, iminkana isku wanaagsanahay ee Ethiopia. Talaabadaas waxannu ogaanay waa danbe. Cadhadii ka dhalatayna waxay nagu xanbaartay inaanu raadino midnimo Soomaali oo dhan meel kasta oo ay joogto. Sidaasdarteed, shan dharaarood dabeed waxanu ku biirnay Somaliya oo Talyaanigu gumaysan jiray taariikhdu markay ahayd 1 July 1960kii.

Midnimadaasi ma waarin. Iska daa in laga gaadho hiyigii laga lahaayee waxay na baday waxaan qalinku qorin karin. Sidaasawgeed, 18 May 1991 kii ayaanu go’aansanay inaanu dib u soo ceshono dawladnimadii aanu kula midownay Soomaaliya. Tan iyo waagaas waxanu u heelanayn sidii aanu dunida ugu qancin lahayn inay ictiraafto qaranimadayada.

Waxannu leenahay dhul  xuduudiisu la da’ tahay Afrikada kale. Dadku waa joogto oo dhulka iyo dadka waa la isku yaqaan. Dawlad baanu leenahay aanu dooranno. Sidoo kale awoodda dawladu waa mid gaadhsiisan inay cid kale heshiis la gasho. Sidaasdarteed, shuruudiihii xeerarka caalamiga ah waanu buuxinay muran la’aan. Sidoo kale waxannu leenahay calan qurux badan oo noo gaar ah, lacagtayada oo ka duwan tii dalkii hore iyo ciidamo xoogan oo difaaci kara xadkooda, gacanna siin kara ciddi nala saaxiib ah ee cadow weeraro.

Dalkii aanu midnimada la galnay, Somalia, warkiisa waa haysaan oo dawladina kama jirto waana hoyga argagixisada Afrika iyada oo la saadaalinayo in xitaa Al Qaacidada Afgaanistaan joogtaa inay u soo cararto.

Cadowga noogu wayn ee qaranimadayada hortaagani waa wadamada Carbeed oo aanu diinna wadaagno derisna nahay. Geed dheer iyo mid gaaban waxay u fuuleen hagardaamadayada. Lacag badan bay haystaaan galaan galkooda diblomaasiyadeedna naga xoog wayn annaga.

Waxan warka ku hayaa inay idinka dhib badan idinku hayaan. Waxay markaas iila muuqatay inaynu leenahay cadow guud. Sidaasdarteed, waxa ila haboonaatay inaan idinka codsado inaad na ictiraaftaan. Waxannu nahay Qaran abaalka loo galo guda, cadawgiisana ka aarsada. Waxa odayadu ii sheegeen in ka hor dhibta Falastiin in Yuhuud badani joogtay Somaliland oo ganacsi ku lahayd. Markaas taariikhdaas waa soo celin karnaa. Laga yaabee inaad is waydiiso ma dal Muslim ah ayaa gargaar waydiisanaya Israel. Balse aan ku xusuusiyo in Yuhuuda iyo Kiristanku u siman yihiin Muslimiinta.

Mahad sanidin

Laas Geel: Taariikh iyo xadaarad guun ah

Ma yara inta jeer ee aan maqlay Laas Gee ama arkay sawir laga soo qaaday halkaas. Balse fekerka aan ka haystay iyo waxa aan ku arkay markaan booqday 21/3/2014 waxay ahayd laba aad u kala taggan. Inkasta oo safarkaygu ahaa socdaal shaqo oo ku jihaysan gobolka Saaxil, hadana waxannu sii marnay Laas Geel.

Laas-Geel maaha hal god oo uu ku sawiran yahay mid, laba ama sadex sawir. Waa godad badan oo ay ku xardhan yihiin sawiro aad u tiro badan oo  muuujinaya xadaarad la yaab leh, taariikh guun ah iyo umad halkaas degenayd waa dheer. Godadku waa hoy, sawirada lagu qorayna waxay u eegyihiin in loogu talo galay in lagu qurxiyo guryaha. Maxaa ku sawiran halkaas maxaase laga baran karaa? Goobtaas waxa ku sawiran dad, lo, eey iyo xayawaan kale. Waxa sawiradaasi goobtaas ku yaaleen kumanaan sano mase baabin. Ilaa hada waxa la garan la’ yahay waxa uu ka samaysan yahay ranjiga lagu qoray halkaas ee weli baabi la. Waa heer aan weli dunidan casriga ahi gaadhin.

Tusaale ahaan waxa Daa’uud oo u madax ah ragga ilaaliya goobta, uu noo sharaxay dhawr sawir oo ay ka mid yihiin boqorkii dadkaas. Boqorku wuxuu lahaa guri u gaar ah oo ka qurux badan kuwa kale. Gurigaas waxa dhamaantiisa marsan midab casaan ah oo qurux badan. Waxa ku yaal kursigii uu fadhiisan jiray. Sidoo kale waxa goobta ku yaal goobtii shirarka ee ay isugu iman jireen dadku si ay ugu tashadaan. Waxa intaas dheer meeshii ii ay ka ilaalin jireen aagga oo leh diiraddii waxa dhow iyo waxa fog lagu eego. Waa xadaarad is-huwan oo aanay fududayn in si dhib yar loo sharaxo.

Waxa arin lala yaabo ah in inta badan dadka ku sawiran halkaas ay wataan eey. Sidoo kale si ay anshaxa u ilaaliyaan dumarka waxay sawireen qaarka sare oo keliya.

Dadka goobta ku sawirani waxay xidhan yihiin surwaalo iyo shaadhadh. Goobta waxa aad ugu badan lo’da taas oo lagu micneeyey inay dhaqan jireen islamarkaana caabudi jireen lo’da. Taas waxa sii xoojinaysa in qof kasta oo goobta ku sawirani uu gacmaha kor u taagayo isaga oo hoos jooga sac. Halka qaarna ay ku nuugayaan naasaha saca wax u eeg tuubo. 

Dabcan turjumaadda laga sameeyey sawirada goobtaasi maaha oo keliya mid kala dhiman ee ma jirto cid si wayn isugu xil qaantay. Sidaasdarteeed, inkasta oo la helay sawiradaas, hadana wax wayni isma bedelin waayo wax tamar ah lama gelin.

Mid ka mid ah sababaha ugu wayn ee ay ku badbaadeen sawiradaasi waxay tahay in dadka degaanku aaminsanaayeen in meesha Jin degen yahay sidaasdarteed may tegi jiran umana ogolaan jirin in caruurtoodu u dhowaato. Beryihii horena dadku marka ay soo degaan meel ku dhow waxay qali jireen xoolo iyaga oo xagga godadka u saydhi jiray dhiig iyaga oo leh “beloy naga baydh”. Taasi waxay keentay in godadkaasi ka badbaadan farafarayn aadane. Basle cimilada iyo xayawaankuba may dayn oo wax yeelo aan yarayn ayay u gaysteen.

Maanta oo goobtaas qiimaha ay leedahay la ogodaay waxba kuma soo kordhin in la ilaaliyo. Daadka iyo ciiduba sidii hore ayay ugu yihiin khatar. Dawladu wax xil ah iskama saarin inay ilaaliso xadaaradaas kor u qaadaysa taariikhda iyo qiimaha dalkeena iyo Afrika oo dhan. Hadii la yasayey Afrika, waxa godadka Laas Geel soo faqeen xadaarad aad uga da’ wayn kuwo badan oo dunida lagu buun buuniyo. Waxay markaas ahayd in miisaaniyad loo qoondeeyo oo la ilaaliyo iyo in laga shaqeeyo sidii cilmi baadhis inta ka badan loogu sameeyo goobtaas.

Hadii markaas dawladii dayacday, macneheedu maaha in aan xal loo helayn. Balse wax yar oo muwaadiniinta reer Soomaaliland isa saaraan ayaa ilaalin karaa xadaaradda ugu da’da wayn ee ilaa hadda aynu hayno. Waa hubaal inay jiraan goobo kale oo badan oo dalka intiisa kale ku yaal oo aan weli la ogaan ama la baadhin.

Qoraalkaygan kooban uguma dan lahayn inaan ku sharaxo qiimaha iyo qaayahay Laas Geel balse, waxan rabaa inaan ku soo jeediyo dareenkiina in xadaaradaas ilaalinteedu inooga baahan tahay gacan hadii kale aay qarka u saaran tahay in dabeecaddii ay u soo adkaysatay kumaananka sano inay baabiiso inaga oo ka hanti iyo aqoon badan intii hore. Waana hubaal inay midaas ceeb inagu tahay. Xusuusnow hadii godadkaasi ku ooli laheeyeen dal kale ama qaarad kale ba in si wayn loo buun buunin lahaa.

Sidaasadarteed, waxan soo jeedinayaa:

1.      In loo uruuriyo xooga lacag ah oo lagaga ilaaliyo cimilada

2.      In loo ololeeyo sidii loogu dari lahaa goobaha taariikhiga ah ee UNESCO ilaaliso