Human Rights Center releases report to celebrate the Human Rights Day 2013

Human Rights Center  in Hargeisa released human rights report to celebrate the 10^th December, the Human Rights Day. The 25 pages report covers the situation of the social, political, economic, cultural and civil rights in Somaliland. The report is result of data collection conducted by the Center’s researchers. Below link is the complete report.

http://somalilandpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/Report2013.pdf

Here is the summary and the recommendations of the report titled “The Chained Constitution”. 

 Somaliland was a British protectorate from 1884 to 26^th June 1960. Somaliland amalgamated with Somalia without any condition on 1^st July 1960.  This political intermarriage aborted and finally led to a civil war, which caused the collapse of the state of Somali Republic. Finally, Somaliland declared unilaterally its independence from Somalia in 1991.

 Somaliland’s post conflict reconstruction was led by the traditional elders who successfully built a functioning government. Somaliland receives little support from the outside world. This gave the Somalilanders a potential strength to rely on what they do have rather than waiting aid. Business flourished with the peace and social institutions were reinstated. Thanks to the Diaspora support that remit money to families and friends, small businesses were started. 

The traditional structured government was transformed into a democratic system of governance after constitution was approved in 2001.  In a period of ten years (from 2002 to 2012), Somaliland peacefully held five elections. But, these elections were shrouded by irregularities. 

The last municipality election held in 2012 caused bloodshed during the Election Day and after the National Electoral Commission declared the results. The peaceful demonstrations organized by the lost Xaqsoor party were cracked down by the government. Excessive multiple voting and ballot staffing were reported.

Constant postponement of elections and extensions of terms have dragged the democratic system into uncertainty and hopelessness. No election was ever held on schedule.

 Somaliland adopts presidential system of government whereby the constitution clearly establishes separation of power between the executive, the legislative and the judiciary. But, the judiciary does not enjoy the independence and the impartiality guaranteed by the constitution. 

Violations of the freedom of expression and the independence of the media have increased in Somaliland. In this year 16 journalists were arrested. The headquarters of Hubaal newspaper was attacked by one Policeman and unidentified man. The manager of the paper was injured. Weeks after the attack, court suspended the newspaper and sentenced the editor and the manager of Hubaal newspaper. They were later released on presidential pardon. Journalists are constantly harassed by the authorities and some of them were beaten up by the Police.

Freedom of expression is a fundamental right granted by the international human rights law and the constitution of Somaliland.

The government of Somaliland refuses to grant license for radio stations. The only radio station based in Somaliland is the government owned Radio Hargeisa.

Demonstrations are not allowed in Somaliland except the government supported demonstrations and campaign rallies. The Police deal heavy handedly with the demonstrations and use live ammunitions. The Public Order Law is applied which gives the Ministry of Interior and the regional and district authorities the power to refuse demonstrations.

 Illegal detention and arrest are very common in Somaliland. Somaliland Police enjoy impunity. The civilian courts cannot hear any case against Police member.

The judiciary failed to protect the human liberty and the Police are accountable to no one.  Searches and seizures are not sought for warrants as obliged by the constitution, but the Police carry out without court warrant.

The recently established special Police unit, Rush Reaction Unit (RRU) which receives support from UK, employs intimidating means and gives no respect the legal procedure. They raid houses, search and seize property without court warrant and arrests people without warrant.

The constitution guarantees equality irrespective of gender. But, the role of the women in the politics is very low. There is only one female member of the parliament whose members are 164. There are three female ministers in the forty above ministers. There is no single female judge. The director generals and the heads of the administrative institutions are all male. The Parliament refused to pass proposed quota for women in the Lower House of the Parliament and the Local Councilors.

Rape and other sexual abuses increased this year according to the data collected in Hargeisa. Rape is the least reported offence, and those victims who dare to report face the challenge posed by the clan elders who interfere in the prosecution and arrange blood compensation. 

Women also face discrimination in the employment of the private sector, particularly the business entities. Women do not have equal opportunity with their male counterparts at the private sector. Many conservative male employers discriminate women in the recruitment of female candidates.  

 Girls drop out the schools in early age as parents prefer boys and the hard house work assigned for girls alone downgraded their scholastic performance. 

 Somaliland hosts refugees whom most of them fled from the neighboring Ethiopia. The process of registering the asylum seekers takes long time. Most of the Ethiopians work in low paid jobs with no protection. Refugee children work under harsh conditions. The principle of non-refoulement is not observed. Human Rights Center received complaints of Ethiopians repatriated forcefully back to their country where they could face threat.

Internally displaced persons are the most vulnerable people who receive little attention. Government services are very limited in the IDPs centers. Crimes, water shortages, poor sanitation, inadequate health facilities and the lack of enough educational centers live with the IDPs. As poor and less educated, the IDPs are not strong people who can advocate for their causes.

Traditional health center known as “Cilaaj” pose very serious threat to both the health and the liberty of the people. “Cilaaji” centers are money oriented centers that most of them are not registered and are managed by uneducated people. The government has neither strategy nor the necessary protection to cope this threat. As they gain more money from their clients, the lobby of the “Cilaaj” centers is very strong. The poor quality of the mental health centers provides opportunity the “Cilaaji” centers to attract many clients.

It is the responsibility of the government to safeguard and protect the rights of the child. Street children are harassed, harmed and live in misery. The children from poor families, particularly from IDPs and refugees, work in harsh conditions. The justice sector does not properly observe the Juvenile Justice Law. Juveniles are prosecuted as adults and are imprisoned with adults.   

 

Recommendations

 

To the government:

·         Change the electoral laws to meet the international standards of democratic societies and conduct free, fair and genuine elections;

·         Abandon the unnecessary postponement of elections and hold the elections periodically;

·         Conduct voters registration which is authentic and gives all the eligible citizens equal opportunity to register;

·         The illiteracy of the citizens shall be considered in the electoral process;

·         The state media shall be open for all the political parties egalitarian manner;

·         Make sure the state funds are not used in the election campaigns;

·         The government employees shall not take part in the political campaigns;

·         The rights granted by the constitution shall be promoted, protected and fulfilled;

·         Grant permits for radio stations based in Somaliland;

·         Protect and promote the rights of the journalisms;

·         Ensure the safety and the liberty of journalists;

·         Immediately prosecute the attackers of Hubaal newspaper; 

·         Change the laws of former regimes including the Penal Code and Criminal Procedure Code;

·         Amend the Public Order Law and repeal all the provisions that are inconsistent with the constitution and the international human rights standards;

·         Do not forcefully return the refugees and the asylums seekers to their countries or anywhere else;

·         Take all the necessary measures to uphold the independence and the impartiality of the judiciary, and publicly affirm the independence of the judiciary from the Ministry of Justice;

·         Reform Somaliland Police to establish a Police that protects the fundamental freedoms and rights guaranteed by the constitution and the international human rights laws;

·         Immediately end the impunity of the Police;

·         Eliminate all barriers against women’s participation in the politics;

·         End discrimination against women in all fields including employment and politics;

·         Provide the girls legal protection from school drop outs;

·         Outlaw clan elders interference in the prosecution of the rape cases;

·         Support the victims of rape;

·         Create strategy that protects the girls and women from rape and other sexual offences;

·         Enact law that gives women legal protection from domestic violence;

·         Take the responsibility of safeguarding the rights of the child, and take the necessary measures to protect the rights of the child;

·         Stop child labor and practice the best interest of the child;

·         Establish child care centers for street children;

·         Immediately eliminate all forms of discrimination at the work places and discriminatory employee selection;

·         Amend the Labor Law to meet the international standards;

·         Review the traditional psychosocial center to make sure the people are not harmed and their basic rights are not violated;

·         Extend support the IDPs and provide legal protection;

·         Provide assistance the IDPs by providing the basic needs and protection.

To the Parliament:

·         Pass the introduced quota for women;

Pass electoral laws for the both houses of the Parliament.

Doorka Wahaabiyiintu ku leeyihiin siyaasadda Geeska Afrika

1.      Hordhac

Ereyga Wahaabi laftiisa ayaa iiga baahan faah-faahin intaanan gelin dulucda qoraalkayga. Waayo, cidda aan doorkeeda ka hadlayo waa inaan sheegaa waxay tahay.

Dadka badankiisu waxay isticmaalaan xagjir, Islaamiyiin iyo asal raac. Anigu se waxan aalaa door bidaa Wahaabiyiin. Waa koox diimeedyo laga soo afuufo Sucuudi Careebiya oo inta badan dunida Islaamka khalkhal iyo fadqalalo kula dhex jira. Kooxahan oo iyaga laftoodu sii kala farcama waxa ku abtirsada al Qaacida, al Shabaab iyo kooxaha kale ee argagixisada ah. Waxa sidoo kale jira, kuwo afkaar ahaan ka debecsan oo iyagu door bida in aan la isticmaalin xoog. Balse waxay ka midaysan yihiin ujeedada iyo yoolka ay u socdaan. Kooxda danbe waxay isugu jiraan kuwo ka daalay dagaalka oo hore ugu guuldaraystay sida hadhaagii al Itixaad iyo kuwo aan ka qayb qaadan dagaaladda.

Wahaabi waxay magaca ahaan ka timi Shiikh Sucuudi ah oo noolaa qarnigii 18aad, Maxamed Cabdiwahaab. Ma ahayn Shiikh kutub badan qoray oo aad loo xigto cilmigiisa. Wuxuu se soo jiitay kuwa xaraf raaca ah (literal interpretation) ee u turjuma Diinta Islaamka sida kakan. Kuwaas oo ka dhigtay Shiikhan manhaj. Inkasta oo aan Shiikhu kuba wacdiyin ficilada ay hada sameeyaan, hadana tafsiirkiisa adage ee aan waaqiciga ahayni wuxuu keenay inay kooxo badan oo takfiiri  ah abuurmaan. Cabdiwahaab wuxuu ahaan shiikh ku dhow qoyska Ala Sacuud ee aasaasay Sucuudi Careebiya. Sidaadarteed, waxa buunbuuniyay qoyska ka arimiya Sucuudiga.

2.      Wahaabiyiinta iyo Geeska Afrika

Kooxaas Wahaabiyiinta ahi waxay soo galeen dhulka Soomaalida badhtamihii qarnigii tegay (qarnigii 20aad). Waxay se ku xoogaysteen intii ay burburtay dawladii Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Wahaabiyiintu door wayn kumay lahayn dagaaladii ay kula jireen dadku keligii taliskii Siyaad Barre inkasta oo iyaga iyo Siyaad col ahaayeen. 1988 kii markuu dagaalka qadhaad ee dadka shacakba ah kula jireen Siyaad Barre ka socday Somaliland, ururkii Al Itixaad oo ahaa kooxda midaysa in badan oo ah Wahaabiyiintu waxay ku fadwoodeen inaan xubnohoodu ka qaybgelin dagaalkaas. Sababaha taas keenayay waa badnaayeen, waxase qaby ahaan ahayd in inta u badan ee xubnaha maamulayey Al Itixaad ay isku beel ahaayeen madaxwaynihii dalka ka talinayay oo ay sidaasdarteed, u arkeen inaanay haboonay inay ka so horjeestaan.

Waxa taas marag madoon u ah in 1991 dii markii ciidamadii Maxamed Faarax Caydiid ay iskaga horyimaadeen ciidamamo beeleedyo degaanada Jubooyinka, Al Itixaad waxay la safatay beelihii ka soo horjeeday Caydiid.

Kobaca iyo xoogaysiga Wahaabiyada waxa badhi taageeray taag darro xoog wayn oo ku timi Suufiyadii oo ay afduubeen dad aan aqoon lahayn oo qabriyada ku wareega. Kuwaas oo dhaqan kooda aanu sinaba u ahayn kii suubanaa ee Suufiyadii soo badbaadisay Soomalida.

3.      Altixaad

Al Itixaad waxa la aasaasasay 1983 dii kadib markii laba koox diimeed oo lakala odhan jiray Waxda (oo ka jirtay goboladii woqooyi ee hada ah Somaliland) iyo Al ahli/Jamaacal Islaamiya (oo ka jirtay goboladii koonfureed ee hada ah Somaliya) ay midoobeen, lana baxeen magaca cusub ee Al Itixaad al Islaam.

Xubnaha Itixaadku waxay qaateen dhabada Wahaabiyada (Salifiyada). Wahaabiyiintu si hoose ayey u abuuraayeen mana lahayn wax door ah oo muuqda ka hor buburkii Siyaad Barre dawladiisii.

Markii laga saaray dalka Siyaad Barre ayay bilaabeen dagaalo hubaysan. Ugu danbayntiina way ku jabeen. Dagaaladaas oo ka dhacay Woqooyi Bari Soomaliya (Puntland), Jubooyinka, Gedo iyo gobolka Soomalidu degto ee Ethiopia.

4.      Wejiga Cusub ee Wahaabiyiinta jabkii Itixaad kadib

Markii ay jabeen Itixaaadku waxa u bilaabmay waa cusub, wayna kala jabeen. Kala tagoodu ma ahayn mid ka dhashay guuldarada, balse maadama oo waxa mideeya mar walba ahaa siyaasad, qaabka loo maamulayo xarakooyinkooda iyo cidda maamulay ayaay isku hayeen. Bisayl la’aan iy sal fudady dartii, may ahayn urur si wanaagsan oo habaysan u shaqeeya. Sidaasdarteed, Al Itixaad waxay go’aamiyeen inay dagaalka faraha ka qaadaan dadkana dhexgaalaan oo ay sugaan fursad kale.

 Al Itixaad waxay u kala jabtay sadex urur oo hor leh. Kow, Al Ictisaam oo itna badan xubnihi Itaxaad ay galeen iyada oo sida muuqata ay doonayeen inay bedelaan magacii hore ee ceebaha badan iyo dagaalada shacabku ku le’deen lugta ku lahaa. Al Ictisaam waxba kagama duwan feker ahaan Al Itixaad, wuxuu se qaatay magac cusub si dad mar kale loogu dago. 

Laba, Salafiya Jihaadiya oo markii hore ka tirsanaa Al Ictisaam, balse markii danbe ka go’ay. Kooxdani waxay u badan tahay dhalinyaro arday u ahaa Ictisaam oo aan aqoon badan u lahayn Diinta, balse ah kuwo tababaran oo xagga ciidanka ku xoogan. Waa dhalinyaro aan la dhicin fekerka Ictisaam ee ah in si hoose oo dad isku eekaysiin ah lagu raadiyo xukunka. Waxayna Salafiya Jihaadiya door bideen dagaalkii macalimiintooda Ictisaam bareen.

Sadex, Salafi Jadiid waa kuwo feker ahaan ka horyimi in dagaal lagu gaadho ujeedada Wahaabiyiiinta. Waxayna ka soo horjeesteen fekerka Al Ictisaam iyo Salafa Jihaadiya oo ah in dagaalka iy Jihaad waxa lagu raadiyo.

Doorkii Wahaabiyadu wuxuu xoogaystay marki Maxaakiimta Islaamiga ahi qabsadeen Xamar iyo in badan oo ka mid ah Somaliya. Maxaakiimtu waxay noqdeen dalad cusub oo kulmisa qaybaha kala duwan ee Wahaabiyada iyo Ikhwaanka (In kasta oo Al Islaax ugu yeedhay xubnohooda inaanay ka mid noqon Maxamadaha, hadana qaby badan ayaa gashay). Ma ahayn oo keliya cida ku jirtay Maxaakiimta ururadii ka farcamay Itixaad, balse waxa sidoo kale ku jiray Ala Shiikh iyo qaar kale.

Heshiiskii dhex maray Shiikh Shariif oo hogaamin jiray Maxaakiimta iyo dawaladii ku  meel gaadhka ahayd kadib Shiikh Shariif wuxuu ku guulaystay madaxtinimada Somaliya. Taasi waxay keentay in kuwo badan oo Wahaabiyiin ahi ay ka buuxsameen dawladii Shiikh Shariif.

Doorashadii lagu doortay Xasan Shiikh Maxamuud waxay iyana si firfircoon uga dhex muuqday Wahaabiyiinta.

Tan iyo markii ururkii Maxaakiimta Islaamig ah (Union of Islamic Courts) uu qabsaday Muqdisho, doorka ay ku leeyihiin Wahaabiyiintu Somaliya wuxuu mid xoogan oo si adkaanayay marba marka ka danbaysa.  

5.      Somaliland iyo Wahaabiyiinta

Dhinaca Somaliland, doorkoodu sidaas uma waynayn ka hor 2010kii. Waxay ku jireen xaalad ay is-qariyaan oo aanay si muuqata uga qayb qaadan siyaasadda dalka.

Balse mar walba waxay ku xidhnaayeen saaxiibadooda Somaliya. Hadii ay xagaas gacan sare ku leeyihiin guuxa Hargeysa wuu xoogaysanayey. Taas waxa marag u ah 2006 dii markii Maxaakiimtu ka doobinayeen Somaliya, dhigooda Hargeysi codkooda kor ayay u qaadeen.

Ta se u muhiimsani waxay ahayd in si furan oo aan qarsoodi ahayn ay markii u horeysay shirwayne ay ku qabsadeen Hargeysa laba urur diimeed oo caan ah. Kuwas oo kala ah Ictisaam iyo Islaax. Inkasta oo sharciga Somaliland mamnuucay urur diimeedyada, hadana dawladu waxba kama qaban, wasiirkii hore ee arimaha gudaha wuuba mahadiyay mar wax laga waydiiyay shirka Islaax.

Markii la furay ururada siyaasadda Somaliland waxa lagu dhawaaqay urur loo bixiyay Badbaado oo ay horboodayeen rag Wahaabiyiin ah. Ururkaasi, nasiibwanaag, kamuu gudbin isreeb reebkii hore. Wuxuu ku biiray Xisbiga Wadani oo ay ka ciyaaraan door wayn.

Wahaabiyiintu, marka laga yimaado siyaasadda, waxay awood buuxda ku leeyihiin ganacsiga iyo waxbarashda. Waxay gacanta ku hayaan caruurtii dalka oo ay ku shubaan afkaarahooda ad adaga. Dawladda Somaliland oo waajib ka saarnaa inay hubiso manhajka loo dhigo ubadka dalka ayaa ka gaabisay doorkaas. Sanadaha soo socda waxay soo saarayaan dugsiyadaasi kumanaan Wahaabiyiin ah. Sidaasdarteed, hadii markii hore Wahaabiyadu ahayd wax debedda laga soo waarido, beri dhow waxay noqonay aafo gudaha taal.

Arimahaasi waxay ku tusayaan sida ay u xoogaysteen kooxahaasi oo ay door wayn ugu yeelanayaan siyaasadda Somaliland halka ay xoog wayn ka yihiin Somaliya. 

Waxaad mooda in dhinaca Somaliland daacayadohoodu u shaqeeyeen. Waxay xukumaan masaajido badan. Taas oo u fudaydisay inay warkooda dhiibtaan. Haa waxay ka faa’iidaysanayaan xoriyaadka yaal Somaliland. Waxay isku qasaan Diinta iyo afkaarohooda. Shacabka Somaliland oo ixtiraama culimada ayay ugu dhuuntaan shaadhka culimadda.

6.      Gebo-gebo

Waa in la ogaadaa hadii Soomaalidu tiqiin wadaad aan waran qaadan oo kutub uun sita, goobaha lagu diriro iyo meesha lagu taliyona aan ka ag wareegin, maanta qori iyo banbo wadaad sita ayaa soo baxay, kursiga inuu gaadhona hamuun kulul u qaba oo diyaar u ah inuu sameeyo wax kasta oo ay ku kacay.

Waxaan habeen dhowaayd ka daawaday telefiishan af Soomaali ku hadla culimo ka cabanaysay manhaj cusub oo ay sheegeeen in Somaliya loo sameeyey kaas oo ay ku jirto afkaarihii Wahaabiyiinta. Madaxwaynaha Somaliya ayaa lagu tilmaamaa inuu ka mid yahay urur diimeed la yidhaahdo “Damul-Jadiid”, inkasta oo aanu isagu si cad u qiran anna anan u hayn cadayn sheegashadaas kaabta. Damul-Jadiid waa farac ka go’ay Islaax oo isagu afkaar ahaan ka qabow Wahaabiyiinta. Balse waxa xaqiiq ah in si aan hore loo arag ay ugu kobceen Wahaabiyiinta iyo kuwa u beer jilicsani Somaliya, taasina ay shaki la’aan saamayn toos ah ku leedahay Somaliland iyo wadamada kale ee Geeska Afrika.

7.      Talo Soo jeedin

Waxan ku talin lahaa in dawladaha Geeska Afriki iska kaashadaan sidii loola dagaalami lahaa afkaarahaas; in Somaliland xoojiso manhajkeeda wax-barasho ayna hubiso in wax ka duwan manhajkaas aan lagu dhigin dugsiyadeeda; in si buuxda loo wacyu-geliyo dadwayanaha iyo in la xoojiyo manhankii taag daraystay ee Suufiyada.

Soomaalida iyo Nabadda Aduunka

Soomaali. Soomaalidu maaha dad ku cusub aduunka iyo nabadiisa. Waxa Eebe ku abuuray degaan muhiim u ah isku socodka dunida. Waxa Waynuhu dhaxal siiyay geyi leh khayraad badan oo waayada qaarkiis ahaa waxa ugu qaalisan ee la heli karayey. Taas ayaa u ahayd fure xidhiidhka qotoda dheer ee ay la lahaayeen dadyowgii dunida, kumanaan sano ka hor, hadii aanay malaayiin sano ka hor ahayn.

Muhiimada Soomaalidu lahayd waxa xudun u ahayd dhulka eegaya badda cas. Dhulkaas oo ka sokow inuu yahay marin biyood isku xidha dunida, u ah iridda laga galo Afrikada Bari iyo badhtamaha Afrika. Mar aanay jirin diyaarado hawada mara, badda ayaa ahayd marin ka keliya ee qaaradaha la isaga gudbo. Sidaasdarteed, cidii ku socoto ilaa gudaha Ethiopia waxa ku khasbanaayen inay maraan dhulka Soomaalida.

Dhoofka iyo gancsiga adoomaha ayaa isna ahaa ganacsi xoogan oo muhiimada dhulka Soomaalida kor u qaaday.

Haseyeeshee, Soomaalidu may ahayn dad sahlan oo si fudud looga fushan karo dano badan. May ahayn dad leh maamul dhexe oo u wada taliya. Sidaasdarteed, dhibaatada soo wajihi jirtay cid kasta oo doonta inay saamayn ku yeelato dhulkaas muhiimka ahi may ahayn mid yar.

Reer Yurub waxay kala kulmeen Soomaalida dagaallo kulul iyo layn ba’an ka hor intaanay soo qabsan iyaga oo ku soo dhuuntay heshiisyo ay la galeen beelaha. Heshiisyadii kala duwanaa ee tusaale ahaan Ingiriisku la galay beelaha Somaliland may ahayn mid iska dhacday. Tobonaan sano ayuu Ingiriisku imanayay dhulka Soomaliland si u sahimiyo una ogaado siday u nool yihiin. Taasi waxay ugu kacday qiimo badan. Dad badan ayaa lagaga laayay. Wuxuuna u yiqiin dhullkan meel ay degen yihiiin dad adag oo aan si sahlan loo qabsan karin.

Badda Casi may ahayn meel si fudud la isaga maro. Balse duulaanada ay Soomalidu ku qaadi jirtay mid socda ayuu ahaa. Tani waxay ku xasuusinay waxa hadda loo yaqaan budhcad badeedka ee reer Soomaliyi ka sameeyaan badaha Soomaalida.

Soomalidu waxay u ahayd welina u tahay laf dhabar nabadda aduunka. Berigi hore awoowayaasheen taas way ogaayeen. Inagu se maanta waxaynu isu aragnaa dad liita oo dunida aan qiimo badan ku lahayn.

Dhulka Soomaalidu degen tahay wuxuu ugu calaamad san yahay dunida meesha ugu muhiimsan. Soomaalidu waxay leedahay taarikh dheer. Taariikhdaas raadkeeda quruumo badan ayaan jeclayn oo mafiiq mariya si uu u tirtirmo. Dabcan buug badan ayuu ku xardhan yahay. Kuwo aynu hayno iyo kuwo aynaan hayn ba.

Dadka aan jeclayn taariikhda Soomalida ee tirtira waxa kow ka ah Carabta. Carabtu waxay la lahayd Soomalida xidhiidh dheer oo ay sabab u ahay derisnimada. Soomaalida oo ku noolayd dhul hodon ah waxay u arkaysay Carabta dad liita oo iyaga ka hooseeya. Balse markii Diinta Islaamku ka soo baxday dhul Carbeed, Soomaalidu kamay san taagin sidii Yuhuuda ee way aqbaleen Nebigii Carbeed (SCW).

Carabtu waxay dooneen inay si kale uga faa’iidaystaan Diinta oo ay kor u qaadaan Carabnimada. Dalal badan ayay taas kaga guulaysteen iyaga oo bedelay qoomiyado badan oo aan Carab ahay. Tusaale ahaan Afrikada Woqooyi.

Soomaalida oo waxa Carabi tahay tiqiin way sixi waayeen inay bedelaan. Qarniyo kadib waxay ku guulaysteen inay bedelaan abtirisiitna Soomaalida oo ay ku arooriyaan Carab. Haa. Taas waa ku guulaysteen. Ma wayna hadaad u eegtid dadyowga aan maanta luqadoodii ku hadal ee la dhalan rogay. Mana yara hadaad eegtid sida dhalinyaradeenii maanta ugu jaahwareersan yihiin abtirsiin aan ka badnayn kun sono oo ay ku abtirsadaan. Waxay iswaydiinayaan waqtigaas ka hor maxaanu ahayn?

Qalinkaa ila aaday meel kale e, waxan uga dan leeyahay Soomalida nabadda aduunka way uga muhiimsan tahay dalal badan oo isu haysta inay qiimo wayn leeyihiin, balse inagga ayaan taa garawosan. Soomaali waxan ula jeedaa inta ku hadasha afka Soomaliga, ha joogaan Jibuuti, Ethiopia, Somaliland, Kenya ama Somalia. Taariikhdaa hore Soomaalida Ethiopia, Jibuuti iyo ta Soomaaliland waxay ahaayeen isla hal mid keliya. Gumaystaha se kala qoqobay. Yeelkeed maanta midnimo durbaankeeda tumi mayno oo waxay dhasho soo aragnay. Waxaanse lama huraan ah in taariikhdeena iyo qiimaheena aynu dhuuxno oo aynu aragno xooga aynu leenahay.

Khataraha Dhaqaale iyo Amni ee Dekeda Cusub ee Jibuuti Dhisanay ku leedahay Somaliland

Dhowaan madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyadda Jibuuti wuxuu dhagax dhigay deked cusub oo ay yeelanayso Jibuuti taas oo laga dhisayo duleedka xuduudka Somaliland. Sida ay sheegtay dawladda Jibuuti, dekeda cusub waxa loo dhisayaa si looga dhoofiyo xoolaha nool. Qoraalkan waxaynu kaga hadli doona khatarta amni iyo midda dhaqaale ee ay Somaliland ku keeni doonto dekedaa cusub iyo waxa xalku noqon karo.

Dawladda Somaliland lacagta u badan ee miisaaniyada, qiyaastii 70%, waxay ka soo gashaa cashuuraha dekeda Berbera. Kuwaas oo intooda badan laga qaado xoolaha nool. Sidoo kale guud ahaan dhaqaalaha Somaliland waxa laf dhabar u ah dhoofinta xoolaha nool. Dhibaato kasta oo ku timaada dhoofinta xoolaha nool waxay Somaliland uga dhigan tahay in la jaray dhuuntii nolosha.

Xoolaha ka dhoofa dekeda Berbera maaha dhamaantood xoola ka yimaada dhulka Somaliland. Qayb badan oo ka mid ah xoolahaasi waxay ka yimaadaan dhul daaqsimeedka Hawd ka ee dhaca gudaha xadka Ethiopia. Dhulkaas dadka degan waa xoolo dhaqato reer Somaliland ah oo aan iyagu wax xuduud ah aqoonsanayn, balse xoolohooda ula guura hadba meesha ay doonaan. Ethiopia oo ah dal aan lahayn bad waxay u aragtaa in xoolaha ka dhoofa dekeda Berbera ay yihiin xoolo ay leedahay Ethiopia sidaasdarteed, waxay mudo dheer ku taamaysay inay hesho fursad ay xoolo kaga dhoofiso Berbera. Arinkaas oo ay diiday Somaliland oo u aragta in xoolahaasi yihiin xooleheeda.

Dekeda Jibuuti maah deked awood u leh inay dhoofiso xoolo. Sidaasdarteed, Ethiopia may haysan meel ay ka dhoofiso xoolo. Taasina waxay u ahayd Somaliland nefis.

Sida cad hada waxa heshiis wada gaadhay Jibuuti iyo Ethiopia. Waxa laga dhisayaa deked gudaha Jibuuti waxana la doonayaa in laga dhoofiyo xoolaha Somaliland. Xusuusnow, Jibuuti ma laha xoolo ay dhoofiso. Waydiintu waxay tahay khatar intee leeg bay ku tahay Somaliland dekedaas cusubi?

Khatar Dhaqaale

Sida aynu hore u soo sheegnay dhoofka xooluhu waa dhuunta nolosha dhaqaale ee Somaliland. Dhaqaalaha dalka waxa laf dhabar u ah xoolaha nool. Miisaaniyadda Somaliland na waxay ku dhisan tahay xoolaha nool.   

Xooluhu waa waxa u badan ee Somaliland debeda u dhoofiso ee ay ka hesho lacagta adag. Hadii ay istaagto dhoofinta xoolaha nool, waxaa meesha ka baxaya awooda dhoofinta ee Somaliland leedahay.

Khatarta Amni

Hadii hoos u dhacdo ku yimaado ama ay joogsato dhoofinta xoolaha nool, waxa meesha ka baxaysa lacagta soo gasha dawladda Somaliland ee ay ku wado dalka. Taas oo ay ku bixiso mushaharka ciidamada iyo shaqaalaha.

Sidaasdarteed, way kacay dawladda Somaliland mana yeelanay awood ay ku maamusho dalkeeda, kuna ilaaliso jiritaankeeda. Waxa hubaal ah inaanu jiri karin dal aan dhaqaale haysan.

Xalku Muxuu Yahay?

Dal waliba wuxuu xaq u leeyahay inuu difaacdo danihiisa meel kasta oo ay ka gasho. Waa taas sababta Masar ay ugu heelan tahay inay dagaal ka xigto biyo xidheenka Ethiopia ka dhisanay gudaha dalkeeda. Waa taas sababta dawladina anay ugu eekeen xuduudeheda marka jiritaankeedu khatar galo.

Sidaasawgeed, waxa la gudboon Somaliland inay qaado talaabo adag si ay uga hortagto dhisida dekedaas. Taaso ay ugu horayso inay si dipblomaasiyadeed ku wajahdo. Hadii se taasi shaqayn waydo waxay Somaliland xaq  u leedahay, waajibna ku ah inay dagaal ka xigto dhisida dekedaas oo khatar ku ah qaranimadeeda.

Hamish Wilson iyo Bandhigii Hargeysa

23.8.2013, waxay ahayd  hebeen si qurux iyo qiime leh uu u soo bandhigay taariikh iyo waayo isugu jirta arag iyo maqal Hamish Wilson. Bandhigan waxa soo agaasimay Machadka Daraasaadka Nabadda iyo Khilaafka ee Jaamacadda Hargeysa. Waxa ka soo qayb galay dad aad u badan oo ay ka mid ahaayeen madax xil hada hays oo uu ku jiro Wasiirka Arimaha Debedda iyo hogaamiyayaashii SNM oo kuwa ishaydu qabatay ee aan ka xusuusto ay ka mid ahaayeen Cabdiraxmaan aw Cali Faarax, Ibraahim Dhegowayne, Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi, iyo qaar kale.

Hamish Wilson oo mudo badan ku qaatay inuu la noolaado dadka reer Somaliland isaga oo ka qaadayey sawiro, wuxuu soo bandhigay habeenkaas sawiro si wayn u iftiimiyay dhaqanka iyo taariikhda dadka Soomaalida ah guud ahaan.

Sawirada uu soo bandhigay waxay isugu jireen laba qaybood, kuwo uu ka qaaday nolosha miyiga iyo kuwo uu ka qaaday waqtigii magaalooyinka Somaliland ay burbursanaayeen ee laga soo noqday dagaaladii lala galay Maxamed Siyaad Barre.

Sawirada uu halkaas ku soo bandhigay Wilson waxay ahady taariikh aad u mug wayn oo si wanaagsan oo farshaxanimo leh u faah-faahiyay taariikhda guunka ah dadka Soomalida ah. wuxuu si heersare ah u qeexay in dhul xebeedka Somaliland, laga soo bilaabo xeebaha Sanaag ilaa Saylac inay ahaayeen dhul taariikh wayn leh oo dadyowga dunidu la lahaayeen ganacsi aad u dheer mudo fog. Ganacsigaas iyo xidhiidhkaas oo ay ka mid ahaayeen dadyowgii la lahaa dadka Somaliland Giriiga, Faraciintii iyo qaar kale oo badan. Waxa u badan ee soo jiitay dadyowgaas xidhiidhka la lahaa dadka Somaliland waxay ahayd beenyada ka baxda gobolka Sanaag.  

Wilson wuxuu si haboon sawiradiisa ugu muujiyeen sida dadka Somalidu u leeyihiin dhaqan qoto dheer oo waayo aragnimo hodon ah leh. Dhaqankaas oo uu ka buuxo cilmi, qaarkii yahay saynis.

Wuxuu soo bandhigay hab nololeedka dadka Soomaliland ee ku kala nool dhulka aad u kala duwan, xeeb, buuraley, banaan hawd IWM. Meel walba degaankeeda iyo cimiladeedu waxay ku qasabtay dadka degan inay u noolaadaan hab u gaar ah, taas oo ay xitaa ku jirta aqalada ay dhistaan.

Wuxuu sidoo kale sawiradiisa ku muujiyay doorka ay bulshada Soomaalidu kal siiso haweenka iyo ragga. Iyada oo ay si wanaagsan u muuqatay sida ay door aad u wayn oo hogaamineed ugu leeyihiin haweenku nolosha miyiga.

Wilson wuxuu ka sheekeeyey isaga oo sawirada uu soo bandhigayey marag ka dhiganayey farsamada heerka sare ah ee dadka Somalidu leeyihiin ee ay ku samaysan jireen weel, doonyo iyo qalabka guryaha.

Wilson wuxuu fuulay buuro dhaadheer iyo dhul aan la gelin oo aad u fog fog, dhul kulayle ah oo biyuhu ku yaryihiin, dhul qaboobe ah iyo laagag haadaamo ah oo aanay sahlanayn in la gaadhaa. Wuxu ku qaatay dhulkaas habeeno iyo maalmo badan. Wuu la noolaaday dadkaas isaga oo sawirona ka qaadayay. Yaab ayay ahayd inuu ka sheekeenayey buuraha dhaadheer ee Sanaag, Xiis, Maydh, Midhisho, Raqas, Calmadow iyo meelo kale oo badan.

Wilson kuma eekaan intaase wuxuu soo bandhigay sawirro naxdi badan dadka ku abuuray, xusuusiyayna waayo iyo taariikh la is-dhaafinayey. Waxa goobtaas lagu daawaday Hargeysa oo u eeg magaalo la rogay oo dhul gariir baabiyey. Meelo badan oo maanta ay ka dhisan yihiin guryo iyo daaro qurux badan oo 1991 dii ah bur bur iyo baaba’. Hargeysada maanta la buuxdhaafshay oo cidla ciirsi la’ ah oo dad iska daayee xayawaankii ka cararay.

Wuxuu ku celceliyay guubaabadiisa ah in Hargeysada maanta aanay ahayn meelo si sahlan oo fudud ku timi. Waxa halkaas lagu daawaday waxyeeladii iyo halaagii uu u gaystay dalka keligii taliyihii macangaga ahaa Maxamed Siyaad Barre.

Balse ha u malaynin in uu ku soo gebogebeeyey murugo iyo ciil. Wuxu dhinaca kale soo bandhigay sawiro muujinaya wadadii dheereed ee loo soo maray dib u heshisiinta iyo dhisidda qaranimada Somaliland.

Wixii aniga iigu yaabka badnaa wuxuu ahaa sawir laga qaaday damaashaad lagu soo dhowaynayey ku dhawaaqidii gooni isu taaga Somaliland. Dadkii isku soo baxay waxay siteen waraaqo yar yar oo ay wax ku qoreen. Kii ugu soo jiidashada badnaa waxa sidatay haweenay waxana ku qornaa hadalkan Ingiriisaga ah “We, Somaliland, apologize to the British”. Ingiriisku markii xoriyada ay ka qaadanaysay Somaliland wuxuu kula taliyay inaanay degdegin oo midnimo gelin ee ay sugaan mudo ay wax ku bartaan. Lagama siisan. Haweenaydani waxay kolkaas leedahay raali ka ahow inaanu kaa diidnay taladaas oo aanu soo aragnay qadhaadhka milalkii aanu malabka moodnay.

Kuuma sawiri karo taariikhda sawirada uu qaaday Wilson, balse waxa haboonaan lahady in la sameeyo goob lagu ururiyo waxyalahaas taariikhiga ah si aanay ugu lumin gurhaya dadka kala duwan ee qaar ba in hayaan.

Qaab-dhismeedka iyo awoodaha Garsoorka Somaliland

Qoraalo is-daba joog ah ayaynu ku soo bandhigi doonaa awoodaha iyo qaab-dhismeedka waaxaha kala duwan ee dawladu ka kooban tahay. Maanta waxaynu ku soo bandhigi doonaa waaxda garsoorka.

Dastuurka Somaliland wuxuu abuuray sadex waaxood oo kala ah Garsoorka, Fulinta iyo Xeer-dejinta (Parliament). 

Garsoorku wuxuu ka kooban yahay xeer-ilaalinta iyo maxkamadaha. Labadaas ayaa sida ku dhigan dastuurka ah garsoor (judiciary). Shaqada garsoorku waa u garqaadida shacabka dhexdiisa, shacabka iyo dawladda iyo turjumida xeerarka iyo dastuurka.  

Maxkamaduhu waxay ka kooban yihiin:

1.      Maxkamadda Sare: awoodaha ama shaqada maxkamadda sare way badan yihiin waxaynu se ku soo koobaynaa:

a.       Dhegaysiga dacwadaha rafcaanka ah ee laga soo qaato maxkamadaha hoose,

b.      Dhegaysiga rafcaanada laga soo qaato go’aan maamul (sida wasaarad, gudi IWM,

c.       Dib-u-eegidda (review) go’aamadda maamul ee looga soo cawdo,

d.      Dhegaysiga dacwadaha dastuuriga ah (Maxkamadda Sare waxay sidoo kale tahay Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ah)

e.       Dhegaysiga dacwadaha ciqaabta ah ee lagu soo oogo wasiirada iyo xubnaha xeer-dejinta (labada gole ee Wakiilada iyo Guurtida).

 

2.      Maxkamadaha Rafcaanka: Maxkamadaha Rafcaanku waxay ku yaaliin dhamaan gobolada. Gobol waliba wuxuu leeyahay maxkamad rafcaan oo dhegaysta rafcaanada looga soo qaato maxkamadda gobolka iyo degmada. Xukunka Maxkamadda Rafcaanka waxa looga rafcaan qaadan karaa Maxkamadda Sare oo xarunteedu tahay Hargeysa.

 

3.      Maxkamadaha Gobolada: Gobol waliba wuxuu leeyahay maxkamad gobol oo dhegaysta dacwadaha gobolkaas. Kuwaas oo ah dhinaca ciqaabta, dacwad kasta oo ciqaabtiisu ka badan tahay 3 sano. Dhinaca madaniga, dacwad kasta oo qiimaha la isku haystaa ay ka badan tahay 3 milyan oo Somaliland Shillings ah, iyo sidoo kale dhamaan dacwadaha ku saabsan cashuurta iyo shaqada. Xukunka Maxkamadda Gobolka waxa looga rafcaan qaadan karaa maxkamadda rafcaanka ee gobolkaas, tusaale ahaan haday soos aartay xukunka Maxkamadda Gobolka Sanaag, waxa looga rafcaan qaadan karaa Maxkamada Rafcaanka Gobolka Sanaag.

 

 

4.      Maxkamadaha Degmooyinka: degmo kastaa waxay leedahay maxkamad degmo oo qaada dacwadahad degmadaas. Kuwaas oo dhinaca ciqaabta, wixii ka yar 3 sano oo xadhig ah. dhinaca madanigana ka yar sadex milyan oo Somaliland Shillings ah. waxay sidoo kale gaar u leedahay dacwadaha dhaxalka iyo kuwa qoyska in kasta ha leekaato qadarka la isku haystaa.

 

5.      Maxkamadaha Cidaanka oo ah kuwo qaada oo keliya dacwadaha ciqaabta ah ee ay dhinca ka yihiin xubnaha Ciidanka Qaranka (Military) waxay leeyihiin hanaan u gaar ah mana banaana in la saaro qof shacab ah.

Garsoorayaasha (judges) Maxkamadda Sare waxa magacaaba Madaxwaynaha iyada oo Gudoomiyaha Maxkamadda Sare ay shardi tahay in la mariyo oo ay ansixiyaan labada aqal ee baarlamaanka oo yeelanaya fadhi wada jira. Gudoomiyaha hada ee Maxkamadda Sare waa Yuusuf Ismaaciil Cali.

Garsoorayaasha maxkamadaha hoose (Maxkamadda Rafcaanka, Gobolka iyo Degmada) waxa magacaaba Gudidu Cadaaladda.

Xeer-ilaalintu waxay ka kooban tahay Xeer-ilaaliyaha Guud oo uu magacaabo Madaxwaynuhu ayna ansixiyaan Golaha Wakiiladu, iyo ku-xigeenadiisa oo ay magacaabaan Gudida Cadaaladdu. Xeer-ilaaliyaha Guud ee hadda waa Xasan Axmed Adam.